Strabon Book 10

010.001.000

010.001.001

ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ Εὔβοια παρὰ πᾶσαν τὴν παραλίαν ταύτην παραβέβληται τὴν ἀπὸ Σουνίου μέχρι Θετταλίας, πλὴν τῶν ἄκρων ἑκατέρωθεν, οἰκεῖον ἂν εἴη συνάψαι τοῖς εἰρημένοις τὰ περὶ τὴν νῆσον, εἶθ' οὕτω μεταβῆναι πρός τε τὰ Αἰτωλικὰ καὶ τὰ Ἀκαρνανικά, ἅπερ λοιπά ἐστι τῶν τῆς Εὐρώπης μερῶν.

Since Euboea lies parallel to the whole of the coast from Sunium to Thessaly, with the exception of the ends on either side, {1} it would be appropriate to connect my description of the island with that of the parts already described before passing on to Aetolia and Acarnania, which are the remaining parts of Europe to be described.

1. i.e., the promontories of Thermopylae and Sunium, which lie beyond the corresponding extremities of Euboea--Cenaeum and Geraestus.

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παραμήκης μὲν τοίνυν ἐστὶν ἡ νῆσος ἐπὶ χιλίους σχεδόν τι καὶ διακοσίους σταδίους ἀπὸ Κηναίου πρὸς Γεραιστόν, τὸ δὲ πλάτος ἀνώμαλος, κατὰ δὲ τὸ πλέον ὅσον πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίων. τὸ μὲν οὖν Κήναιον ἔστι κατὰ Θερμοπύλας καὶ τὰ ἔξω Θερμοπυλῶν ἐπ' ὀλίγον, Γεραιστὸς δὲ καὶ Πεταλία πρὸς Σουνίῳ. γίνεται οὖν ἀντίπορθμος τῇ τε Ἀττικῇ καὶ Βοιωτίᾳ καὶ Λοκρίδι καὶ τοῖς Μαλιεῦσι. διὰ δὲ τὴν στενότητα καὶ τὸ λεχθὲν μῆκος ὑπὸ τῶν παλαιῶν Μάκρις ὠνομάσθη. συνάπτει δὲ τῇ ἠπείρῳ κατὰ Χαλκίδα μάλιστα, κυρτὴ προπίπτουσα πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Αὐλίδα τόπους τῆς Βοιωτίας καὶ ποιοῦσα τὸν Εὔριπον, περὶ οὗ διὰ πλειόνων εἰρήκαμεν, σχεδὸν δέ τι καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀντιπόρθμων ἀλλήλοις τόπων κατά τε τὴν ἤπειρον καὶ κατὰ τὴν νῆσον ἐφ' ἑκάτερα τοῦ Εὐρίπου, τά τε ἐντὸς καὶ τὰ ἐκτός. εἰ δέ τι ἐλλέλειπται, νῦν προσδιασαφήσομεν. καὶ πρῶτον, ὅτι τῆς Εὐβοίας τὰ Κοῖλα λέγουσι τὰ μεταξὺ Αὐλίδος καὶ τῶν περὶ Γεραιστὸν τόπων· κολποῦται γὰρ ἡ παραλία, πλησιάζουσα δὲ τῇ Χαλκίδι κυρτοῦται πάλιν πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον.

In its length, then, the island extends parallel to the coast for a distance of about one thousand two hundred stadia from Cenaeum to Geraestus, but its breadth is irregular and generally only about one hundred and fifty stadia. Now Cenaeum lies opposite to Thermopylae and, to a slight extent, to the region outside Thermopylae, whereas Geraestus and Petalia lie towards Sunium. Accordingly, the island lies across the strait and opposite Attica, Boeotia, Locris,and the Malians. Because of its narrowness and of the above-mentioned length, it was named Macris {2} by the ancients. It approaches closest to the mainland at Chalcis, where it juts out in a convex curve towards the region of Aulis in Boeotia and forms the Euripus. Concerning the Euripus I have already spoken rather at length, {3} as also to a certain extent concerning the places which lie opposite one another across the strait, both on the mainland and on the island, on either side of the Euripus, that is, the regions both inside and outside {4} the Euripus. But if anything has been left out, I shall now explain more fully. And first, let me explain that the parts between Aulis and the region of Geraestus are called the Hollows of Euboea; for the coast bends inwards, but when it approaches Chalcis it forms a convex curve again towards the mainland.

2. i.e., "Long" Island (see Map VIII, end of Loeb Vol. IV).

3. 9. 2. 2, 8.

4. "Inside" means the lower or southeastern region, "outside" the upper or northwestern.

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οὐ μόνον δὲ Μάκρις ἐκλήθη ἡ νῆσος, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀβαντίς. Εὔβοιαν γοῦν εἰπὼν ὁ ποιητὴς τοὺς ἀπ' αὐτῆς Εὐβοέας οὐδέποτε εἴρηκεν, ἀλλ' Ἄβαντας ἀεί

οἳ δ' Εὔβοιαν ἔχον μένεα πνείοντες Ἄβαντες.

τῷ δ' ἅμ' Ἄβαντες ἕποντο.

φησὶ δ' Ἀριστοτέλης ἐξ Ἄβας τῆς Φωκικῆς Θρᾷκας ὁρμηθέντας ἐποικῆσαι τὴν νῆσον καὶ ἐπονομάσαι Ἄβαντας τοὺς ἔχοντας αὐτήν· οἱ δ' ἀπὸ ἥρωός φασι, καθάπερ καὶ Εὔβοιαν ἀπὸ ἡρωίνης. τάχα δ' ὥσπερ βοὸς αὐλὴ λέγεταί τι ἄντρον ἐν τῇ πρὸς τὸν Αἰγαῖον τετραμμένῃ παραλίᾳ, ὅπου τὴν Ἰώ φασι τεκεῖν Ἔπαφον, καὶ ἡ νῆσος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς αἰτίας ἔσχε τοῦτο τοὔνομα. καὶ Ὄχη δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο ἡ νῆσος, καὶ ἔστιν ὁμώνυμον αὐτῇ τὸ μέγιστον τῶν ἐνταῦθα ὀρῶν. καὶ Ἐλλοπία δ' ὠνομάσθη ἀπὸ Ἔλλοπος τοῦ Ἴωνος· οἱ δὲ Ἀίκλου καὶ Κόθου ἀδελφόν φασιν, ὃς καὶ τὴν Ἐλλοπίαν κτίσαι λέγεται, χωρίον ἐν τῇ Ὠρείᾳ καλουμένῃ τῆς Ἱστιαιώτιδος πρὸς τῷ Τελεθρίῳ ὄρει, καὶ τὴν Ἱστίαιαν προσκτήσασθαι καὶ τὴν πεδιάδα καὶ Κήρινθον καὶ Αἰδηψὸν καὶ Ὀροβίας, ἐν ᾧ μαντεῖον ἦν ἀψευδέστατον· ἦν δὲ μαντεῖον τοῦ Σελινουντίου Ἀπόλλωνος· μετῴκησαν δ' εἰς τὴν Ἱστίαιαν οἱ Ἐλλοπιεῖς, καὶ ηὔξησαν τὴν πόλιν Φιλιστίδου τοῦ τυράννου βιασαμένου μετὰ τὰ Λευκτρικά. Δημοσθένης δ' ὑπὸ Φιλίππου κατασταθῆναι τύραννόν φησι καὶ τῶν Ὠρειτῶν τὸν Φιλιστίδην· οὕτω γὰρ ὠνομάσθησαν ὕστερον οἱ Ἱστιαιεῖς, καὶ ἡ πόλις ἀντὶ Ἱστιαίας Ὠρεός· ἔνιοι δ' ὑπ' Ἀθηναίων ἀποικισθῆναί φασι τὴν Ἱστίαιαν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Ἱστιαιέων, ὡς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἐρετριέων τὴν Ἐρέτριαν. Θεόπομπος δέ φησι Περικλέους χειρουμένου Εὔβοιαν τοὺς Ἱστιαιεῖς καθ' ὁμολογίας εἰς Μακεδονίαν μεταστῆναι, δισχιλίους δ' ἐξ Ἀθηναίων ἐλθόντας τὸν Ὠρεὸν οἰκῆσαι, δῆμον ὄντα πρότερον τῶν Ἱστιαιέων.

The island was called, not only Macris, but also Abantis; at any rate, the poet, although he names Euboea, never names its inhabitants "Euboeans," but always "Abantes":And those who held Euboea, the courage-breathing Abantes . . . {5} And with him {6} followed the Abantes. {7} Aristotle {8} says that Thracians, setting out from the Phocian Aba, recolonized the island and renamed those who held it "Abantes." Others derive the name from a hero, {9} just as they derive "Euboea" from a heroine. {10} But it may be, just as a certain cave on the coast which fronts the Aegaean, where Io is said to have given birth to Epaphus, is called Böos Aule, {11} that the island got the name Euboea {12} from the same cause. The island was also called Oche; and the largest of its mountains bears the same name. And it was also named Ellopia, after Ellops the son of Ion. Some say that he was the brother of Aïclus and Cothus; and he is also said to have founded Ellopia, a place in Oria, as it is called, in Histiaeotis {13} near the mountain Telethrius, and to have added to his dominions Histiaea, Perias, Cerinthus, Aedepsus, and Orobia; in this last place was an oracle most averse to falsehood (it was an oracle of Apollo Selinuntius). The Ellopians migrated to Histiaea and enlarged the city, being forced to do so by Philistides the tyrant, after the battle of Leuctra. Demosthenes says that Philistides was set up by Philip as tyrant of the Oreitae too; {14} for thus in later times the Histiaeans were named, and the city was named Oreus instead of Histiaea. But according to some writers, Histiaea was colonized by Athenians from the deme of the Histiaeans, as Eretria was colonized from that of the Eretrians. Theopompus says that when Pericles overpowered Euboea the Histiaeans by agreement migrated to Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians who formerly composed the deme of the Histiaeans came and took up their abode in Oreus.

5. Hom. Il. 2.536

6. Elephenor.

7. Hom. Il. 2.542

8. Aristotle of Chalcis wrote a work on Euboea, but it is no longer extant. He seems to have flourished in the fourth century B.C.

9. Abas, founder of Aba, who later conquered Euboea and reigned over it (Stephanus Byzantinus, s.v. ἄΒαι and ἀΒαντίς).

10. On the heroine "Euboea," see Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. "Euboea"(4).

11. Cow's Stall.

12. i.e., from the Greek words "eu" (well) and "bous" (cow).

13. Or Hestiaeotis (see 9. 5. 3 and footnote 2).

14. Dem. 9.32 (119 Reiske).

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κεῖται δ' ὑπὸ τῷ Τελεθρίῳ ὄρει ἐν τῷ Δρυμῷ καλουμένῳ παρὰ τὸν Κάλλαντα ποταμὸν ἐπὶ πέτρας ὑψηλῆς, ὥστε τάχα καὶ διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ἐλλοπιεῖς ὀρείους εἶναι τοὺς προοικήσαντας ἐτέθη τοὔνομα τοῦτο τῇ πόλει· δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ Ὠρίων ἐνταῦθα τραφεὶς οὕτως ὀνομασθῆναι· ἔνιοι δὲ τοὺς Ὠρείτας πόλιν ἔχοντας ἰδίαν φασὶ πολεμουμένους ὑπὸ τῶν Ἐλλοπιέων μεταβῆναι καὶ συνοικῆσαι τοῖς Ἱστιαιεῦσι, μίαν δὲ γενηθεῖσαν πόλιν ἀμφοτέροις χρήσασθαι τοῖς ὀνόμασι, καθάπερ Λακεδαίμων τε καὶ Σπάρτη ἡ αὐτή. εἴρηται δ' ὅτι καὶ ἐν Θετταλίᾳ Ἱστιαιῶτις ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνασπασθέντων ἐνθένδε ὑπὸ Περραιβῶν ὠνόμασται.

Oreus is situated at the foot of the mountain Telethrius in the Drymus, {15} as it is called, on the River Callas, upon a high rock; and hence, perhaps, it was because the Ellopians who formerly inhabited it were mountaineers that the name Oreus {16} was assigned to the city. It is also thought that Orion was so named because he was reared there. Some writers say that the Oreitae had a city of their own, but because the Ellopians were making war on them they migrated and took up their abode with the Histiaeans; and that, although they became one city, they used both names, just as the same city is called both Lacedaemon and Sparta. As I have already said, {17} Histiaeotis in Thessaly was also named after the Histiaeans who were carried off from here into the mainland by the Perrhaebians.

15. "Woodland."

16. i.e., from "oreius" (mountaineer).

17. 9. 5. 17.

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ἐπεὶ δ' ἡ Ἐλλοπία τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἱστιαίας καὶ τοῦ Ὠρεοῦ προσηγάγετο ἡμᾶς ποιήσασθαι, τὰ συνεχῆ λέγωμεν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις. ἔστι δ' ἐν τῷ Ὠρεῷ τούτῳ τό τε Κήναιον πλησίον καὶ ἐπ' αὐτῷ τὸ Δῖον καὶ Ἀθῆναι αἱ Διάδες, κτίσμα Ἀθηναίων, ὑπερκείμενον τοῦ ἐπὶ Κῦνον πορθμοῦ· ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Δίου Κάναι τῆς Αἰολίδος ἀπῳκίσθησαν· ταῦτά τε δὴ τὰ χωρία περὶ τὴν Ἱστίαιάν ἐστι καὶ ἔτι Κήρινθος πολείδιον ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ· ἐγγὺς δὲ Βούδορος ποταμὸς ὁμώνυμος τῷ κατὰ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα ὄρει τῷ πρὸς τῇ Ἀττικῇ.

Since Ellopia induced me to begin my description with Histiaea and Oreus, let me speak of the parts which border on these places. In the territory of this Oreus lies, not only Cenaeum, near Oreus, but also, near Cenaeun, Dium {18} and Athenae Diades, the latter founded by the Athenians and lying above that part of the strait where passage is taken across to Cynus; and Canae in Aeolis was colonized from Dium. Now these places are in the neighborhood of Histiaea; and so is Cerinthus, a small city by the sea; and near it is the Budorus River, which bears the same name as the mountain in Salamis which is close to Attica.

18. Mentioned in Hom. Il. 2.538.

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Κάρυστος δέ ἐστιν ὑπὸ τῷ ὄρει τῇ Ὄχῃ· πλησίον δὲ τὰ Στύρα καὶ τὸ Μαρμάριον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ λατόμιον τῶν Καρυστίων κιόνων, ἱερὸν ἔχον Ἀπόλλωνος Μαρμαρίνου, ὅθεν διάπλους εἰς Ἁλὰς τὰς Ἀραφηνίδας. ἐν δὲ τῇ Καρύστῳ καὶ ἡ λίθος φύεται ἡ ξαινομένη καὶ ὑφαινομένη, ὥστε τὰ ὕφη χειρόμακτρα γίνεσθαι, ῥυπωθέντα δ' εἰς φλόγα βάλλεσθαι καὶ ἀποκαθαίρεσθαι τῇ πλύσει τῶν λίνων παραπλησίως· ᾠκίσθαι δὲ τὰ χωρία ταῦτά φασιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ τετραπόλεως τῆς περὶ Μαραθῶνα καὶ Στειριέων· κατεστράφη δὲ τὰ Στύρα ἐν τῷ Λαμιακῷ πολέμῳ ὑπὸ Φαίδρου τοῦ Ἀθηναίων στρατηγοῦ· τὴν δὲ χώραν ἔχουσιν Ἐρετριεῖς. Κάρυστος δέ ἐστι καὶ ἐν τῇ Λακωνικῇ τόπος τῆς Αἴγυος πρὸς Ἀρκαδίαν, ἀφ' οὗ Καρύστιον οἶνον Ἀλκμὰν εἴρηκε.

Carystus is at the foot of the mountain Oche; and near it are Styra and Marmarium, in which latter are the quarry of the Carystian columns {19} and a temple of Apollo Marmarinus; and from here there is a passage across the strait to Halae Araphenides. In Carystus is produced also the stone which is combed and woven, {20} so that the woven material is made into towels, and, when these are soiled, they are thrown into fire and cleansed, just as linens are cleansed by washing. These places are said to have been settled by colonists from the Marathonian Tetrapolis {21} and by Steirians. Styra was destroyed in the Malian war by Phaedrus, the general of the Athenians; but the country is held by the Eretrians. There is also a Carystus in the Laconian country, a place belonging to Aegys, towards Arcadia; whence the Carystian wine of which Alcman speaks.

19. See 9. 5. 16.

20. i.e., asbestos.

21. See 8. 7. 1.

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Γεραιστὸς δ' ἐν μὲν τῷ καταλόγῳ τῶν νεῶν οὐκ εἴρηται, μέμνηται δ' ὁ ποιητὴς ὅμως αὐτοῦ

ἐς δὲ Γεραιστὸν ἐννύχιοι κατάγοντο,

καὶ δηλοῖ διότι τοῖς διαίρουσιν ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐπικαιρίως κεῖται τῷ Σουνίῳ πλησιάζον τὸ χωρίον· ἔχει δ' ἱερὸν Ποσειδῶνος ἐπισημότατον τῶν ταύτῃ καὶ κατοικίαν ἀξιόλογον.

Geraestus is not named in the Catalogue of Ships, but still the poet mentions it elsewhere:and at night they landed at Geraestus. {22} And he plainly indicates that the place is conveniently situated for those who are sailing across from Asia to Attica, since it comes near to Sunium. It has a temple of Poseidon, the most notable of those in that part of the world, and also a noteworthy settlement.

22. Hom. Od. 3.177

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μετὰ δὲ τὸν Γεραιστὸν Ἐρέτρια πόλις μεγίστη τῆς Εὐβοίας μετὰ Χαλκίδα, ἔπειθ' ἡ Χαλκὶς μητρόπολις τῆς νήσου τρόπον τινά, ἐπ' αὐτῷ τῷ Εὐρίπῳ ἱδρυμένη· ἀμφότεραι δὲ πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν ὑπ' Ἀθηναίων ἐκτίσθαι λέγονται, καὶ μετὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ Ἄικλος καὶ Κόθος ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν ὁρμηθέντες ὁ μὲν τὴν Ἐρέτριαν ᾤκισε Κόθος δὲ τὴν Χαλκίδα· καὶ τῶν Αἰολέων δέ τινες ἀπὸ τῆς Πενθίλου στρατιᾶς κατέμειναν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν καὶ Ἄραβες οἱ Κάδμῳ συνδιαβάντες. αἱ δ' οὖν πόλεις αὗται διαφερόντως αὐξηθεῖσαι καὶ ἀποικίας ἔστειλαν ἀξιολόγους εἰς Μακεδονίαν· Ἐρέτρια μὲν γὰρ συνῴκισε τὰς περὶ Παλλήνην καὶ τὸν Ἄθω πόλεις, ἡ δὲ Χαλκὶς τὰς ὑπὸ Ὀλύνθῳ, ἃς Φίλιππος διελυμήνατο. καὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας δὲ καὶ Σικελίας πολλὰ χωρία Χαλκιδέων ἐστίν· ἐστάλησαν δὲ αἱ ἀποικίαι αὗται, καθάπερ εἴρηκεν Ἀριστοτέλης, ἡνίκα ἡ τῶν Ἱπποβοτῶν καλουμένη ἐπεκράτει πολιτεία· προέστησαν γὰρ αὐτῆς ἀπὸ τιμημάτων ἄνδρες ἀριστοκρατικῶς ἄρχοντες. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου διάβασιν καὶ τὸν περίβολον τῆς πόλεως ηὔξησαν, ἐντὸς τείχους λαβόντες τόν τε Κάνηθον καὶ τὸν Εὔριπον, ἐπιστήσαντες τῇ γεφύρᾳ πύργους καὶ πύλας καὶ τεῖχος.

After Geraestus one comes to Eretria, the greatest city in Euboea except Chalcis; and then to Chalcis, which in a way is the metropolis of the island, being situated on the Euripus itself. Both are said to have been founded by the Athenians before the Trojan War. And after the Trojan War, Aïclus and Cothus, setting out from Athens, settled inhabitants in them, the former in Eretria and the latter in Chalcis. There were also some Aeolians from the army of Penthilus {23} who remained in the island, and, in ancient times, some Arabians who had crossed over with Cadmus. Be this as it may, these cities grew exceptionally strong and even sent forth noteworthy colonies into Macedonia; for Eretria colonized the cities situated round Pallene and Athos, and Chalcis colonized the cities that were subject to Olynthus, which later were treated outrageously by Philip. And many places in Italy and Sicily are also Chalcidian. These colonies were sent out, as Aristotle {24} states, when the government of the Hippobatae, {25} as it is called, was in power; for at the head of it were men chosen according to the value of their property, who ruled in an aristocratic manner. At the time of Alexander's passage across, {26} the Chalcidians enlarged the circuit of the walls of their city, taking inside them both Canethus and the Euripus, and fortifying the bridge with towers and gates and a wall. {27}

23. Son of Orestes (13. 1. 3).

24. See note on Aristotle, 10. 1. 3.

25. "Knights."

26. Across the Hellespont to Asia, 334 B.C.

27. Cf. 9. 2. 8 and footnotes.

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ὑπέρκειται δὲ τῆς τῶν Χαλκιδέων πόλεως τὸ Λήλαντον καλούμενον πεδίον. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ θερμῶν τε ὑδάτων εἰσὶν ἐκβολαὶ πρὸς θεραπείαν νόσων εὐφυεῖς, οἷς ἐχρήσατο καὶ Σύλλας Κορνήλιος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμών· καὶ μέταλλον δ' ὑπῆρχε θαυμαστὸν χαλκοῦ καὶ σιδήρου κοινόν, ὅπερ οὐχ ἱστοροῦσιν ἀλλαχοῦ συμβαῖνον· νυνὶ μέντοι ἀμφότερα ἐκλέλοιπεν, ὥσπερ καὶ Ἀθήνησι τἀργυρεῖα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἅπασα μὲν ἡ Εὔβοια εὔσειστος, μάλιστα δ' ἡ περὶ τὸν πορθμόν, καὶ δεχομένη πνευμάτων ὑποφοράς, καθάπερ καὶ ἡ Βοιωτία καὶ ἄλλοι τόποι, περὶ ὧν ἐμνήσθημεν διὰ πλειόνων πρότερον. ὑπὸ τοιοῦδε πάθους καὶ ἡ ὁμώνυμος τῇ νήσῳ πόλις καταποθῆναι λέγεται, ἧς μέμνηται καὶ Αἰσχύλος ἐν τῷ Ποντίῳ Γλαύκῳ

Εὐβοΐδα καμπτὴν ἀμφὶ Κηναίου Διὸς ἀκτήν, κατ' αὐτὸν τύμβον ἀθλίου Λίχα.

Χαλκὶς δ' ὁμωνύμως λέγεται καὶ ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ

Χαλκίδα τ' ἀγχίαλον, Καλυδῶνά τε πετρήεσσαν,

καὶ ἐν τῇ νῦν Ἠλείᾳ

βὰν δὲ παρὰ Κρουνοὺς καὶ Χαλκίδα πετρήεσσαν

οἱ περὶ Τηλέμαχον ἀπιόντες παρὰ Νέστορος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

Above the city of the Chalcidians is situated the Lelantine Plain. In this plain are fountains of hot water suited to the cure of diseases, which were used by Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander. And in this plain was also a remarkable mine which contained copper and iron together, a thing which is not reported as occurring elsewhere; now, however, both metals have given out, as in the case of the silver mines at Athens. The whole of Euboea is much subject to earthquakes, but particularly the part near the strait, which is also subject to blasts through subterranean passages, as are Boeotia and other places which I have already described rather at length. {28} And it is said that the city which bore the same name as the island was swallowed up by reason of a disturbance of this kind. This city is also mentioned by Aeschylus in his Glaucus Pontius:Euboeïs, about the bending shore of Zeus Cenaeus, near the very tomb of wretched Lichas. {29} In Aetolia, also, there is a place called by the same name Chalcis:and Chalcis near the sea, and rocky Calydon, {30} and in the present Eleian country:and they went past Cruni and rocky Chalcis, {31} that is, Telemachus and his companions, when they were on their way back from Nestor's to their homeland.

28. 1. 3. 16.

29. Aesch. Fr. 30 (Nauck)

30. Hom. Il. 2.640

31. Hom. Od. 15.295

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Ἐρέτριαν δ' οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ Μακίστου τῆς Τριφυλίας ἀποικισθῆναί φασιν ὑπ' Ἐρετριέως, οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀθήνησιν Ἐρετρίας, ἣ νῦν ἐστὶν ἀγορά· ἔστι δὲ καὶ περὶ Φάρσαλον Ἐρέτρια, ἱερὰ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Ἀδμήτου δ' ἵδρυμα λέγεται τὸ ἱερόν, παρ' ᾧ θητεῦσαι λέγουσι τὸν θεὸν ἐνιαυτόν, πλησίον τοῦ πορθμοῦ. Μελανηὶς δ' ἐκαλεῖτο πρότερον ἡ Ἐρέτρια καὶ Ἀρότρια· ταύτης δ' ἐστὶ κώμη ἡ Ἀμάρυνθος ἀφ' ἑπτὰ σταδίων τοῦ τείχους. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἀρχαίαν πόλιν κατέσκαψαν Πέρσαι, σαγηνεύσαντες, ὥς φησιν Ἡρόδοτος, τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τῷ πλήθει, περιχυθέντων τῶν βαρβάρων τῷ τείχει· καὶ δεικνύουσιν ἔτι τοὺς θεμελίους, καλοῦσι δὲ παλαιὰν Ἐρέτριαν, ἡ δὲ νῦν ἐπέκτισται. τὴν δὲ δύναμιν τὴν Ἐρετριέων ἣν ἔσχον ποτὲ μαρτυρεῖ ἡ στήλη, ἣν ἀνέθεσάν ποτε ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἀμαρυνθίας Ἀρτέμιδος· γέγραπται δ' ἐν αὐτῇ τρισχιλίοις μὲν ὁπλίταις ἑξακοσίοις δ' ἱππεῦσιν ἑξήκοντα δ' ἅρμασι ποιεῖν τὴν πομπήν· ἐπῆρχον δὲ καὶ Ἀνδρίων καὶ Τηνίων καὶ Κείων καὶ ἄλλων νήσων. ἐποίκους δ' ἔσχον ἀπ' Ἤλιδος, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ τῷ γράμματι τῷ ῥῶ πολλῷ χρησάμενοι οὐκ ἐπὶ τέλει μόνον τῶν ῥημάτων ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν μέσῳ κεκωμῴδηνται. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Οἰχαλία κώμη τῆς Ἐρετρικῆς, λείψανον τῆς ἀναιρεθείσης πόλεως ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέους, ὁμώνυμος τῇ Τραχινίᾳ καὶ τῇ περὶ Τρίκκην καὶ τῇ Ἀρκαδικῇ, ἣν Ἀνδανίαν οἱ ὕστερον ἐκάλεσαν, καὶ τῇ ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ περὶ τοὺς Εὐρυτᾶνας.

As for Eretria, some say that it was colonized from Triphylian Macistus by Eretrieus, but others say from the Eretria at Athens, which now is a marketplace. There is also an Eretria near Pharsalus. In the Eretrian territory there was a city Tamynae, sacred to Apollo; and the temple, which is near the strait, is said to have been founded by Admetus, at whose house the god served as an hireling for a year. In earlier times Eretria was called Melaneïs and Arotria. The village Amarynthus, which is seven stadia distant from the walls, belongs to this city. Now the old city was razed to the ground by the Persians, who "netted" the people, as Herodotus {32} says, by means of their great numbers, the barbarians being spread about the walls (the foundations are still to be seen, and the place is called Old Eretria); but the Eretria of today was founded on it. {33} As for the power the Eretrians once had, this is evidenced by the pillar which they once set up in the temple of Artemis Amarynthia. It was inscribed thereon that they made their festal procession with three thousand heavy-armed soldiers, six hundred horsemen, and sixty chariots. And they ruled over the peoples of Andros, Teos, Ceos, and other islands. They received new settlers from Elis; hence, since they frequently used the letter r, {34} not only at the end of words, but also in the middle, they have been ridiculed by comic writers. There is also a village Oechalia in the Eretrian territory, the remains of the city which was destroyed by Heracles; it bears the same name as the Trachinian Oechalia and that near Tricce, and the Arcadian Oechalia, which the people of later times called Andania, and that in Aetolia in the neighborhood of the Eurytanians.

32. "Whenever they took one of the islands, the barbarians, as though capturing each severally, would net the people. They net them in this way: the men link hands and form a line extending from the northern sea to the southern, and then advance through the whole island hunting out the people" (6. 31).

33. i.e., on a part of the old site.

34. i.e.,like the Eleians, who regularly rhotacised final s (see Buck, Greek Dialects, section 60).

010.001.011

νυνὶ μὲν οὖν ὁμολογουμένως ἡ Χαλκὶς φέρεται τὰ πρωτεῖα καὶ μητρόπολις αὕτη λέγεται τῶν Εὐβοέων, δευτερεύει δ' ἡ Ἐρέτρια. ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον αὗται μέγα εἶχον ἀξίωμα καὶ πρὸς πόλεμον καὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην, ὥστε καὶ φιλοσόφοις ἀνδράσι παρασχεῖν διαγωγὴν ἡδεῖαν καὶ ἀθόρυβον. μαρτυρεῖ δ' ἥ τε τῶν Ἐρετρικῶν φιλοσόφων σχολὴ τῶν περὶ Μενέδημον ἐν τῇ Ἐρετρίᾳ γενομένη, καὶ ἔτι πρότερον ἡ Ἀριστοτέλους ἐν τῇ Χαλκίδι διατριβή, ὅς γε κἀκεῖ κατέλυσε τὸν βίον.

Now at the present time Chalcis by common consent holds the leading position and is called the metropolis of the Euboeans; and Eretria is second. Yet even in earlier times these cities were held in great esteem, not only in war, but also in peace; indeed, they afforded philosophers a pleasant and undisturbed place of abode. This is evidenced by the school of the Eretrian philosophers, Menedemus and his disciples, which was established in Eretria, and also, still earlier, by the sojourn of Aristotle in Chalcis, where he also ended his days. {35}

35. 322 B.C.

010.001.012

τὸ μὲν οὖν πλέον ὡμολόγουν ἀλλήλαις αἱ πόλεις αὗται, περὶ δὲ Ληλάντου διενεχθεῖσαι . . . οὐδ' οὕτω τελέως ἐπαύσαντο . . . ὥστ' ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατὰ αὐθάδειαν δρᾶν ἕκαστα, ἀλλὰ συνέθεντο ἐφ' οἷς συστήσονται τὸν ἀγῶνα. δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἐν τῷ Ἀμαρυνθίῳ στήλη τις φράζουσα μὴ χρῆσθαι τηλεβόλοις.

Now in general these cities were in accord with one another, and when differences arose concerning the Lelantine Plain they did not so completely break off relations as to wage their wars in all respects according to the will of each, but they came to an agreement as to the conditions under which they were to conduct the fight. This fact, among others, is disclosed by a certain pillar in the Amarynthium, which forbids the use of long distance missiles. {36} In fact among all the customs of warfare and of the use of arms there neither is, nor has been, any single custom; for some use long distance missiles, as, for example, bowmen and slingers and javelin-throwers, whereas others use close-fighting arms, as, for example, those who use sword, or outstretched spear; for the spear is used in two ways, one in hand-to-hand combat and the other for hurling like a javelin; just as the pike serves both purposes, for it can be used both in close combat and as a missile for hurling, which is also true of the sarissa {37} and the hyssus. {38}

36. The rest of the paragraph is probably an interpolation, rejected by Meineke, following conj. of Kramer.

37. Used by the Macedonian phalanx.

38. The Roman "pilum."

010.001.013

οἱ δ' Εὐβοεῖς ἀγαθοὶ πρὸς μάχην ὑπῆρξαν τὴν σταδίαν, ἣ καὶ συστάδην λέγεται καὶ ἐκ χειρός. δόρασι δ' ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ὀρεκτοῖς, ὥς φησιν ὁ ποιητής

αἰχμηταὶ μεμαῶτες ὀρεκτῇσι μελίῃσι θώρηκας ῥήσσειν.

ἀλλοίων ἴσως ὄντων τῶν παλτῶν, οἵαν εἰκὸς εἶναι τὴν Πηλιάδα μελίην ἥν, ὥς φησιν ὁ ποιητής

οἶος ἐπίστατο πῆλαι Ἀχιλλεύς

καὶ ὁ εἰπών

δουρὶ δ' ἀκοντίζω, ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος τις ὀιστῷ,

τῷ παλτῷ λέγει δόρατι. καὶ οἱ μονομαχοῦντες τοῖς παλτοῖς χρώμενοι δόρασιν εἰσάγονται πρότερον, εἶτα ἐπὶ τὰ ξίφη βαδίζοντες· ἀγχέμαχοι δ' εἰσὶν οὐχ οἱ ξίφει χρώμενοι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δόρατι ἐκ χειρός, ὥς φησιν

οὔτησε ξυστῷ χαλκήρεϊ, λῦσε δὲ γυῖα.

τοὺς μὲν οὖν Εὐβοέας τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ χρωμένους εἰσάγει, περὶ δὲ Λοκρῶν τἀναντία λέγει ὡς

οὔ σφιν σταδίης ὑσμίνης ἔργα μέμηλεν, ἀλλ' ἄρα τόξοισι καὶ ἐυστρόφῳ οἰὸς ἀώτῳ Ἴλιον εἰς ἅμ' ἕποντο.

περιφέρεται δὲ καὶ χρησμὸς ἐκδοθεὶς Αἰγιεῦσιν

ἵππον Θεσσαλικόν, Λακεδαιμονίαν δὲ γυναῖκα, ἄνδρας θ' οἳ πίνουσιν ὕδωρ ἱερῆς Ἀρεθούσης,

τοὺς Χαλκιδέας λέγων ὡς ἀρίστους· ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἡ Ἀρέθουσα.

The Euboeans excelled in "standing" combat, which is also called "close" and "hand-to-hand" combat; and they used their spears outstretched, as the poet says:spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears to shatter corselets. {39} Perhaps the javelins were of a different kind, such as probably was the "Pelian ashen spear," which, as the poet says,Achilles alone knew how to hurl; {40} and he {41} who said,And the spear I hurl farther than any other man can shoot an arrow, {42} means the javelin-spear. And those who fight in single combat are first introduced as using javelin-spears, and then as resorting to swords. And close fighters are not those who use the sword alone, but also the spear hand-to-hand, as the poet says:he pierced him with bronze-tipped polished spear, and loosed his limbs. {43} Now he introduces the Euboeans as using this mode of fighting, but he says the contrary of the Locrians, thatthey cared not for the tolls of close combat, . . . but relying on bows and well-twisted slings of sheep's wool they followed with him to Ilium. {44} There is current, also, an oracle which was given out to the people of Aegium,Thessalian horse, Lacedemonian woman, and men who drink the water of sacred Arethusa,meaning that the Chalcidians are best of all, for Arethusa is in their territory.

39. Hom. Il. 2.543

40. Hom. Il. 19.389

41. Odysseus.

42. Hom. Od. 8.229

43. Hom. Il. 4.469

44. Hom. Il. 13.713

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εἰσὶ δὲ νῦν Εὐβοῗται ποταμοὶ Κηρεὺς καὶ Νηλεύς, ὧν ἀφ' οὗ μὲν πίνοντα τὰ πρόβατα λευκὰ γίνεται, ἀφ' οὗ δὲ μέλανα· καὶ περὶ τὸν Κρᾶθιν δὲ εἴρηται τοιοῦτόν τι συμβαῖνον.

There are now two rivers in Euboea, the Cereus and the Neleus; and the sheep which drink from one of them turn white, and from the other black. A similar thing takes place in connection with the Crathis River, as I have said before. {45}

45. 6. 1. 13.

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τῶν δ' ἐκ Τροίας ἐπανιόντων Εὐβοέων τινὲς εἰς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐκπεσόντες, ἀποβαίνοντες οἴκαδε διὰ τῆς Μακεδονίας περὶ Ἔδεσσαν ἔμειναν συμπολεμήσαντες τοῖς ὑποδεξαμένοις, καὶ ἔκτισαν πόλιν Εὔβοιαν· ἦν δὲ καὶ ἐν Σικελίᾳ Εὔβοια Χαλκιδέων τῶν ἐκεῖ κτίσμα, ἣν Γέλων ἐξανέστησε, καὶ ἐγένετο φρούριον Συρακουσίων· καὶ ἐν Κερκύρᾳ δὲ καὶ ἐν Λήμνῳ τόπος ἦν Εὔβοια καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἀργείᾳ λόφος τις.

When the Euboeans were returning from Troy, some of them, after being driven out of their course to Illyria, set out for home through Macedonia, but remained in the neighborhood of Edessa, after aiding in war those who had received them hospitably; and they founded a city Euboe. There was also a Euboea in Sicily, which was founded by the Chalcidians of Sicily, but they were driven out of it by Gelon; and it became a stronghold of the Syracusans. In Corcyra, also, and in Lemnos, there were places called Euboea; and in the Argive country a hill of that name.

010.001.016

ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς καὶ Οἰταίοις πρὸς ἑσπέραν Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνές εἰσι καὶ Ἀθαμᾶνες, εἰ χρὴ καὶ τούτους Ἕλληνας εἰπεῖν, λοιπὸν ἐξηγήσασθαι περὶ τούτων, ἵν' ἔχωμεν τὴν περίοδον ἅπασαν τὴν τῆς Ἑλλάδος· προσθεῖναι δὲ καὶ τὰς νήσους τὰς προσχώρους μάλιστα τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ οἰκουμένας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὅσας μὴ περιωδεύκαμεν.

Since the Aetolians, Acarnanians, and Athamanians (if these too are to be called Greeks) live to the west of the Thessalians and the Oetaeans, it remains for me to describe these three, in order that I may complete the circuit of Greece; I must also add the islands which lie nearest to Greece and are inhabited by the Greeks, so far as I have not already included them in my description.

010.002.001

Αἰτωλοὶ μὲν τοίνυν καὶ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ὁμοροῦσιν ἀλλήλοις, μέσον ἔχοντες τὸν Ἀχελῶον ποταμὸν ῥέοντα ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων καὶ τῆς Πίνδου πρὸς νότον διά τε Ἀγραίων Αἰτωλικοῦ ἔθνους καὶ Ἀμφιλόχων, Ἀκαρνᾶνες μὲν τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέραν μέρος ἔχοντες τοῦ ποταμοῦ μέχρι τοῦ Ἀμβρακικοῦ κόλπου τοῦ κατὰ Ἀμφιλόχους καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀκτίου Ἀπόλλωνος, Αἰτωλοὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς ἕω μέχρι τῶν Ὀζολῶν Λοκρῶν καὶ τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ καὶ τῶν Οἰταίων. ὑπέρκεινται δ' ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ καὶ τοῖς προσβορείοις μέρεσι τῶν μὲν Ἀκαρνάνων Ἀμφίλοχοι, τούτων δὲ Δόλοπες καὶ ἡ Πίνδος, τῶν δ' Αἰτωλῶν Περραιβοί τε καὶ Ἀθαμᾶνες καὶ Αἰνιάνων τι μέρος τῶν τὴν Οἴτην ἐχόντων· τὸ δὲ νότιον πλευρόν, τό τε Ἀκαρνανικὸν ὁμοίως καὶ τὸ Αἰτωλικόν, κλύζεται τῇ ποιούσῃ θαλάττῃ τὸν Κορινθιακὸν κόλπον, εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ἀχελῶος ποταμὸς ἐξίησιν, ὁρίζων τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν παραλίαν καὶ τὴν Ἀκαρνανικήν· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Θόας ὁ Ἀχελῶος πρότερον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὁ παρὰ Δύμην ὁμώνυμος τούτῳ, καθάπερ εἴρηται, καὶ ὁ περὶ Λάμιαν. εἴρηται δὲ καὶ ὅτι ἀρχὴν τοῦ Κορινθιακοῦ κόλπου τὸ στόμα τοῦδε τοῦ ποταμοῦ φασι.

Now the Aetolians and the Acarnanians border on one another, having between them the Acheloüs River, which flows from the north and from Pindus on the south through the country of the Agraeans, an Aetolian tribe, and through that of the Amphilochians, the Acarnanians holding the western side of the river as far as that part of the Ambracian Gulf which is near Amphilochi and the temple of the Actian Apollo, but the Aetolians the eastern side as far as the Ozalian Locrians and Parnassus and the Oetaeans. Above the Acarnanians, in the interior and the parts towards the north, are situated the Amphilochians, and above these the Dolopians and Pindus, and above the Aetolians are the Perrhaebians and Athamanians and a part of the Aenianians who hold Oeta. The southern side, of Acarnania and Aetolia alike, is washed by the sea which forms the Corinthian Gulf, into which empties the Acheloüs River, which forms the boundary between the coast of the Aetolians and that of Acarnania. In earlier times the Acheloüs was called Thoas. The river which flows past Dyme bears the same name as this, as I have already said, {46} and also the river near Lamia. {47} I have already stated, also, that the Corinthian Gulf is said to begin at the mouth of this river. {48}

46. 8. 3. 11.

47. 9. 5. 10.

48. 8. 2. 3.

010.002.002

πόλεις δ' εἰσὶν ἐν μὲν τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν Ἀνακτόριόν τε ἐπὶ χερρονήσου ἱδρυμένον Ἀκτίου πλησίον, ἐμπόριον τῆς νῦν ἐκτισμένης ἐφ' ἡμῶν Νικοπόλεως, καὶ Στράτος, ἀνάπλουν ἔχουσα τῷ Ἀχελώῳ πλειόνων ἢ διακοσίων σταδίων, καὶ Οἰνειάδαι, καὶ αὐτὴ ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ, ἡ μὲν παλαιὰ οὐ κατοικουμένη, ἴσον ἀπέχουσα τῆς τε θαλάττης καὶ τοῦ Στράτου, ἡ δὲ νῦν ὅσον ἑβδομήκοντα σταδίους ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκβολῆς διέχουσα· καὶ ἄλλαι δ' εἰσί, Πάλαιρός τε καὶ Ἀλυζία καὶ Λευκὰς καὶ Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν καὶ Ἀμβρακία, ὧν αἱ πλεῖσται περιοικίδες γεγόνασιν ἢ καὶ πᾶσαι τῆς Νικοπόλεως· κεῖται δ' ὁ Στράτος κατὰ μέσην τὴν ἐξ Ἀλυζίας ὁδὸν εἰς Ἀνακτόριον.

As for cities, those of the Acarnanians are Anactorium, which is situated on a peninsula near Actium and is a trading center of the Nicopolis of today, which was founded in our times; {49} Stratus, where one may sail up the Acheloüs River more than two hundred stadia; and Oeneiadae, which is also on the river--the old city, which is equidistant from the sea and from Stratus, being uninhabited, whereas that of today lies at a distance of about seventy stadia above the outlet of the river. There are also other cities, Palaerus, Alyzia, Leucas, {50} Argos Amphilochicum, and Ambracia, most of which, or rather all, have become dependencies of Nicopolis. Stratus is situated about midway of the road between Alyzia and Anactorium. {51}

49. This Nicopolis ("Victory City") was founded by Augustus Caesar in commemoration of his victory over Antony and Cleopatra at Actium in 31 B.C. See 7. 7. 5.

50. Amaxiki, now in ruins.

51. An error either of Strabo or of the MSS. "Stratus" and "Alyzia" should exchange places in the sentence.

010.002.003

Αἰτωλῶν δ' εἰσὶ Καλυδών τε καὶ Πλευρών, νῦν μὲν τεταπεινωμέναι, τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν πρόσχημα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἦν ταῦτα τὰ κτίσματα. καὶ δὴ καὶ διῃρῆσθαι συνέβαινε δίχα τὴν Αἰτωλίαν, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀρχαίαν λέγεσθαι τὴν δ' ἐπίκτητον· ἀρχαίαν μὲν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀχελώου μέχρι Καλυδῶνος παραλίαν ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ τῆς μεσογαίας ἀνήκουσαν εὐκάρπου τε καὶ πεδιάδος, ᾖ ἐστὶ καὶ Στράτος καὶ τὸ Τριχώνιον ἀρίστην ἔχον γῆν· ἐπίκτητον δὲ τὴν τοῖς Λοκροῖς συνάπτουσαν ὡς ἐπὶ Ναύπακτόν τε καὶ Εὐπάλιον, τραχυτέραν τε οὖσαν καὶ λυπροτέραν, μέχρι τῆς Οἰταίας καὶ τῆς Ἀθαμάνων καὶ τῶν ἐφεξῆς ἐπὶ τὴν ἄρκτον ἤδη περιισταμένων ὀρῶν τε καὶ ἐθνῶν.

The cities of the Aetolians are Calydon and Pleuron, which are now indeed reduced, though in early times these settlements were an ornament to Greece. Further, Aetolia has come to be divided into two parts, one part being called Old Aetolia and the other Aetolia Epictetus. {52} The Old Aetolia was the seacoast extending from the Acheloüs to Calydon, reaching for a considerable distance into the interior, which is fertile and level; here in the interior lie Stratus and Trichonium, the latter having excellent soil. Aetolia Epictetus is the part which borders on the country of the Locrians in the direction of Naupactus and Eupalium, being a rather rugged and sterile country, and extends to the Oetaean country and to that of the Athamanians and to the mountains and tribes which are situated next beyond these towards the north.

52. i.e., the Acquired.

010.002.004

ἔχει δὲ καὶ ἡ Αἰτωλία ὄρος μέγιστον μὲν τὸν Κόρακα, συνάπτοντα τῇ Οἴτῃ, τῶν δ' ἄλλων ἐν μέσῳ μὲν μᾶλλον τὸν Ἀράκυνθον, περὶ ὃν τὴν νεωτέραν Πλευρῶνα συνῴκισαν ἀφέντες τὴν παλαιὰν ἐγγὺς κειμένην Καλυδῶνος οἱ οἰκήτορες, εὔκαρπον οὖσαν καὶ πεδιάδα, πορθοῦντος τὴν χώραν Δημητρίου τοῦ ἐπικληθέντος Αἰτωλικοῦ· ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Μολυκρείας Ταφιασσὸν καὶ Χαλκίδα, ὄρη ἱκανῶς ὑψηλά, ἐφ' οἷς πολίχνια ἵδρυτο Μακυνία τε καὶ Χαλκίς, ὁμώνυμος τῷ ὄρει, ἣν καὶ Ὑποχαλκίδα καλοῦσι· Κούριον δὲ πλησίον τῆς παλαιᾶς Πλευρῶνος, ἀφ' οὗ τοὺς Πλευρωνίους Κουρῆτας ὀνομασθῆναί τινες ὑπέλαβον.

Aetolia also has a very large mountain, Corax, which borders on Oeta; and it has among the rest of its mountains, and more in the middle of the country than Corax, Aracynthus, near which New Pleuron was founded by the inhabitants of the Old, who abandoned their city, which had been situated near Calydon in a district both fertile and level, at the time when Demetrius, surnamed Aetolicus, {53} laid waste the country; above Molycreia are Taphiassus and Chalcis, rather high mountains, on which were situated the small cities Macynia and Chalcis, the latter bearing the same name as the mountain, though it is also called Hypochalcis. Near Old Pleuron is the mountain Curium, after which, as some have supposed, the Pleuronian Curetes were named.

53. Son of Antigonus Gonatas; reigned over Macedonia 239-229 B.C.

010.002.005

ὁ δ' Εὔηνος ποταμὸς ἄρχεται μὲν ἐκ Βωμιέων τῶν ἐν Ὀφιεῦσιν Αἰτωλικῷ ἔθνει καθάπερ καὶ οἱ Εὐρυτᾶνες καὶ Ἀγραῖοι καὶ Κουρῆτες καὶ ἄλλοι , ῥεῖ δ' οὐ διὰ τῆς Κουρητικῆς κατ' ἀρχάς, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἡ αὐτὴ τῇ Πλευρωνίᾳ, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς προσεῴας μᾶλλον παρὰ τὴν Χαλκίδα καὶ Καλυδῶνα· εἶτ' ἀνακάμψας ἐπὶ τὰ τῆς Πλευρῶνος πεδία τῆς παλαιᾶς καὶ παραλλάξας εἰς δύσιν ἐπιστρέφει πρὸς τὰς ἐκβολὰς καὶ τὴν μεσημβρίαν· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ Λυκόρμας πρότερον· καὶ ὁ Νέσσος ἐνταῦθα λέγεται πορθμεὺς ἀποδεδειγμένος ὑφ' Ἡρακλέους ἀποθανεῖν, ἐπειδὴ πορθμεύων τὴν Δηιάνειραν ἐπεχείρει βιάσασθαι.

The Evenus River begins in the territory of those Bomians who live in the country of the Ophians, the Ophians being an Aetolian tribe (like the Eurytanians and Agraeans and Curetes and others), and flows at first, not through the Curetan country, which is the same as the Pleuronian, but through the more easterly country, past Chalcis and Calydon; and then, bending back towards the plains of Old Pleuron and changing its course to the west, it turns towards its outlets and the south. In earlier times it was called Lycormas. And there Nessus, it is said, who had been appointed ferryman, was killed by Heracles because he tried to violate Deïaneira when he was ferrying her across the river.

010.002.006

καὶ Ὤλενον δὲ καὶ Πυλήνην ὀνομάζει πόλεις ὁ ποιητὴς Αἰτωλικάς, ὧν τὴν μὲν Ὤλενον ὁμωνύμως τῇ Ἀχαϊκῇ λεγομένην Αἰολεῖς κατέσκαψαν, πλησίον οὖσαν τῆς νεωτέρας Πλευρῶνος, τῆς δὲ χώρας ἠμφισβήτουν Ἀκαρνᾶνες· τὴν δὲ Πυλήνην μετενέγκαντες εἰς τοὺς ἀνώτερον τόπους ἤλλαξαν αὐτῆς καὶ τοὔνομα Πρόσχιον καλέσαντες. Ἑλλάνικος δ' οὐδὲ τὴν περὶ ταύτας ἱστορίαν οἶδεν, ἀλλ' ὡς ἔτι καὶ αὐτῶν οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ καταστάσει μέμνηται, τὰς δ' ὕστερον καὶ τῆς τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν καθόδου κτισθείσας Μακυνίαν καὶ Μολύκρειαν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαίαις καταλέγει, πλείστην εὐχέρειαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἐν πάσῃ σχεδόν τι τῇ γραφῇ.

The poet also names Olenus and Pylene as Aetolian cities. {54} Of these, the former, which bears the same name as the Achaean city, was razed to the ground by the Aeolians; it was near New Pleuron, but the Acarnanians claimed possession of the territory. The other, Pylene, the Aeolians moved to higher ground, and also changed its name, calling it Proschium. Hellanicus does not know the history of these cities either, but mentions them as though they too were still in their early status; and among the early cities he names Macynia and Molycreia, which were founded even later than the return of the Heracleidae, almost everywhere in his writings displaying a most convenient carelessness.

54. Hom. Il. 2.639.

010.002.007

καθόλου μὲν οὖν ταῦτα περὶ τῆς χώρας ἐστὶ τῆς τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, περὶ δὲ τῆς παραλίας καὶ τῶν προκειμένων νήσων ἔτι καὶ ταῦτα προσληπτέον· ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ στόματος ἀρξαμένοις τοῦ Ἀμβρακικοῦ κόλπου πρῶτόν ἐστιν Ἀκαρνάνων χωρίον τὸ Ἄκτιον. ὁμωνύμως δὲ λέγεται τό τε ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀκτίου Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ ἡ ἄκρα ἡ ποιοῦσα τὸ στόμα τοῦ κόλπου, ἔχουσα καὶ λιμένα ἐκτός. τοῦ δ' ἱεροῦ τετταράκοντα μὲν σταδίους ἀπέχει τὸ Ἀνακτόριον ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ ἱδρυμένον, διακοσίους δὲ καὶ τετταράκοντα ἡ Λευκάς.

Upon the whole, then, this is what I have to say concerning the country of the Acarnanians and the Aetolians, but the following is also to be added concerning the seacoast and the islands which lie off it: Beginning at the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf the first place which belongs to the Acarnanians is Actium. The temple of the Actian Apollo bears the same name, as also the cape which forms the mouth of the Gulf and has a harbor on the outer side. Anactorium, which is situated on the gulf, is forty stadia distant from the temple, whereas Leucas is two hundred and forty.

010.002.008

αὕτη δ' ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν μὲν χερρόνησος τῆς Ἀκαρνάνων γῆς, καλεῖ δ' ὁ ποιητὴς αὐτὴν ἀκτὴν ἠπείροιο, τὴν περαίαν τῆς Ἰθάκης καὶ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας ἤπειρον καλῶν· αὕτη δ' ἐστὶν ἡ Ἀκαρνανία· ὥστε, ὅταν φῇ ἀκτὴν ἠπείροιο, τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας ἀκτὴν δέχεσθαι δεῖ. τῆς δὲ Λευκάδος ἥ τε Νήριτος, ἥν φησιν ἑλεῖν ὁ Λαέρτης

ἦ μὲν Νήριτον εἷλον ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον, ἀκτὴν ἠπείροιο, Κεφαλλήνεσσιν ἀνάσσων,

καὶ ἃς ἐν καταλόγῳ φησί

καὶ Κροκύλει' ἐνέμοντο καὶ Αἰγίλιπα τρηχεῖαν.

Κορίνθιοι δὲ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ Κυψέλου καὶ Γόργου ταύτην τε κατέσχον τὴν ἀκτὴν καὶ μέχρι τοῦ Ἀμβρακικοῦ κόλπου προῆλθον, καὶ ἥ τε Ἀμβρακία συνῳκίσθη καὶ Ἀνακτόριον, καὶ τῆς χερρονήσου διορύξαντες τὸν ἰσθμὸν ἐποίησαν νῆσον τὴν Λευκάδα, καὶ μετενέγκαντες τὴν Νήριτον ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, ὃς ἦν ποτὲ μὲν ἰσθμὸς νῦν δὲ πορθμὸς γεφύρᾳ ζευκτός, μετωνόμασαν Λευκάδα, ἐπώνυμον δοκῶ μοι τοῦ Λευκάτα· πέτρα γάρ ἐστι λευκὴ τὴν χρόαν, προκειμένη τῆς Λευκάδος εἰς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν, ὡς ἐντεῦθεν τοὔνομα λαβεῖν.

In early times Leucas was a peninsula of Acarnania, but the poet calls it "shore of the mainland," {55} using the term "mainland" for the country which is situated across from Ithaca and Cephallenia; and this country is Acarnania. And therefore, when he says, "shore of the mainland," one should take it to mean "shore of Acarnania." And to Leucas also belonged, not only Nericus, which Laertes says he took (verily I took Nericus, well-built citadel, shore of the mainland, when I was lord over the Cephallenians), {56} but also the cities which Homer names in the Catalogue(and dwell in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips). {57} But the Corinthians sent by Cypselus {58} and Gorgus took possession of this shore and also advanced as far as the Ambracian Gulf; and both Ambracia and Anactorium were colonized at this time; and the Corinthians dug a canal through the isthmus of the peninsula and made Leucas an island; and they transferred Nericus to the place which, though once an isthmus, is now a strait spanned by a bridge, and they changed its name to Leucas, which was named, as I think, after Leucatas; for Leucatas is a rock of white {59} color jutting out from Leucas into the sea and towards Cephallenia and therefore it took its name from its color.

55. Homer specifically mentions Leucas only once, as the "rock Leucas" (Hom. Od. 24.11). On the Ithaca-Leucas problem, see Appendix in this volume.

56. Hom. Od. 24.377

57. Hom. Il. 2.633

58. See Dictionary in Vol. IV.

59. "leuca."

010.002.009

ἔχει δὲ τὸ τοῦ Λευκάτα Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ ἅλμα τὸ τοὺς ἔρωτας παύειν πεπιστευμένον·

οὗ δὴ λέγεται πρώτη Σαπφώ

ὥς φησιν ὁ Μένανδρος

τὸν ὑπέρκομπον θηρῶσα Φάων' οἰστρῶντι πόθῳ ῥῖψαι πέτρας ἀπὸ τηλεφανοῦς ἅλμα κατ' εὐχὴν σήν, δέσποτ' ἄναξ.

ὁ μὲν οὖν Μένανδρος πρώτην ἁλέσθαι λέγει τὴν Σαπφώ, οἱ δ' ἔτι ἀρχαιολογικώτεροι Κέφαλόν φασιν ἐρασθέντα Πτερέλα τὸν Δηιονέως. ἦν δὲ καὶ πάτριον τοῖς Λευκαδίοις κατ' ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τῇ θυσίᾳ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἀπὸ τῆς σκοπῆς ῥιπτεῖσθαί τινα τῶν ἐν αἰτίαις ὄντων ἀποτροπῆς χάριν, ἐξαπτομένων ἐξ αὐτοῦ παντοδαπῶν πτερῶν καὶ ὀρνέων ἀνακουφίζειν δυναμένων τῇ πτήσει τὸ ἅλμα, ὑποδέχεσθαι δὲ κάτω μικραῖς ἁλιάσι κύκλῳ περιεστῶτας πολλοὺς καὶ περισώζειν εἰς δύναμιν τῶν ὅρων ἔξω τὸν ἀναληφθέντα. Ὁ δὲ τὴν Ἀλκμαιονίδα γράψας, Ἰκαρίου τοῦ Πηνελόπης πατρὸς υἱεῖς γενέσθαι δύο, Ἀλυζέα καὶ Λευκάδιον, δυναστεῦσαι δ' ἐν τῇ Ἀκαρνανίᾳ τούτους μετὰ τοῦ πατρός· τούτων οὖν ἐπωνύμους τὰς πόλεις Ἔφορος λέγεσθαι δοκεῖ.

It contains the temple of Apollo Leucatas, and also the "Leap," which was believed to put an end to the longings of love.Where Sappho is said to have been the first,as Menander says,when through frantic longing she was chasing the haughty Phaon, to fling herself with a leap from the far-seen rock, calling upon thee in prayer, O lord and master.Now although Menander says that Sappho was the first to take the leap, yet those who are better versed than he in antiquities say that it was Cephalus, who was in love with Pterelas the son of Deïoneus. It was an ancestral custom among the Leucadians, every year at the sacrifice performed in honor of Apollo, for some criminal to be flung from this rocky look-out for the sake of averting evil, wings and birds of all kinds being fastened to him, since by their fluttering they could lighten the leap, and also for a number of men, stationed all round below the rock in small fishing-boats, to take the victim in, and, when he had been taken on board, {60} to do all in their power to get him safely outside their borders. The author of the Alcmaeonis {61} says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had two sons, Alyzeus and Leucadius, and that these two reigned over Acarnania with their father; accordingly, Ephorus thinks that the cities were named after these.

60. Or perhaps "resuscitated."

61. The author of this epic poem on the deeds of Alcmaeon is unknown.

010.002.010

Κεφαλλῆνας δὲ νῦν μὲν τοὺς ἐκ τῆς νήσου τῆς Κεφαλληνίας λέγουσιν, Ὅμηρος δὲ πάντας τοὺς ὑπὸ τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ, ὧν εἰσι καὶ οἱ Ἀκαρνᾶνες· εἰπὼν γάρ

αὐτὰρ Ὀδυσσεὺς ἦγε Κεφαλλῆνας, οἵ ῥ' Ἰθάκην εἶχον καὶ Νήριτον εἰνοσίφυλλον

τὸ ἐν ταύτῃ ὄρος ἐπιφανές, ὡς καί

οἳ δ' ἐκ Δουλιχίοιο Ἐχινάων θ' ἱεράων

καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ Δουλιχίου τῶν Ἐχινάδων ὄντος· καί

οἳ δ' ἄρα Βουπράσιόν τε καὶ Ἤλιδ

καὶ τοῦ Βουπρασίου ἐν Ἤλιδι ὄντος· καἶ

οἳ δ' Εὔβοιαν ἔχον καὶ Χαλκίδα τ' Εἰρέτριάν τ

καὶ τούτων ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ οὐσῶν· καί

Τρῶες καὶ Λύκιοι καὶ Δάρδανο

ὡς καὶ ἐκείνων Τρώων ὄντων · πλὴν μετά γε Νήριτον φησί

καὶ Κροκύλει' ἐνέμοντο καὶ Αἰγίλιπα τρηχεῖαν, οἵ τε Ζάκυνθον ἔχον ἠδ' οἳ Σάμον ἀμφενέμοντο, οἵ τ' ἤπειρον ἔχον ἠδ' ἀντιπέραι' ἐνέμοντο.

ἤπειρον μὲν οὖν τὰ ἀντιπέρα τῶν νήσων βούλεται λέγειν, ἅμα τῇ Λευκάδι καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Ἀκαρνανίαν συμπεριλαβεῖν βουλόμενος, περὶ ἧς καὶ οὕτω λέγει

δώδεκ' ἐν ἠπείρῳ ἀγέλαι, τόσα πώεα μήλων,

τάχα τῆς Ἠπειρώτιδος τὸ παλαιὸν μέχρι δεῦρο διατεινούσης καὶ ὀνόματι κοινῷ ἠπείρου λεγομένης· Σάμον δὲ τὴν νῦν Κεφαλληνίαν, ὡς καὶ ὅταν φῇ

ἐν πορθμῷ Ἰθάκης τε Σάμοιό τε παιπαλοέσσης.

τῷ γὰρ ἐπιθέτῳ τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν διέσταλται, ὡς οὐκ ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τῆς νήσου τιθεὶς τοὔνομα. τετραπόλεως γὰρ οὔσης τῆς νήσου μία τῶν τεττάρων ἐστὶν ἡ καὶ Σάμος καὶ Σάμη καλουμένη καθ' ἑκάτερον τοὔνομα, ὁμωνυμοῦσα τῇ νήσῳ. ὅταν δ' εἴπῃ

ὅσσοι γὰρ νήσοισιν ἐπικρατέουσιν ἄριστοι Δουλιχίῳ τε Σάμῃ τε καὶ ὑλήεντι Ζακύνθῳ,

τῶν νήσων ἀριθμὸν ποιῶν δῆλός ἐστι καὶ Σάμην καλῶν τὴν νῆσον, ἣν πρότερον Σάμον ἐκάλεσεν. Ἀπολλόδωρος δὲ τοτὲ μὲν τῷ ἐπιθέτῳ λέγων διεστάλθαι τὴν ἀμφιβολίαν εἰπόντα

Σάμοιό τε παιπαλοέσσης,

ὡς τὴν νῆσον λέγοντα, τοτὲ δὲ γράφεσθαι δεῖν

Δουλιχίῳ τε Σάμῳ τ

ἀλλὰ μή “Σάμῃ τ” δῆλός ἐστι τὴν μὲν πόλιν Σάμην καὶ Σάμον συνωνύμως ὑπολαμβάνων ἐκφέρεσθαι, τὴν δὲ νῆσον Σάμον μόνον· ὅτι γὰρ Σάμη λέγεται ἡ πόλις δῆλον εἶναι ἔκ τε τοῦ διαριθμούμενον τοὺς ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως μνηστῆρας φάναι

ἐκ δὲ Σάμης πίσυρές τε καὶ εἴκοσι φῶτες ἔασι,

καὶ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ τῆς Κτιμένης λόγου

τὴν μὲν ἔπειτα Σάμηνδ' ἔδοσαν.

ἔχει δὲ ταῦτα λόγον. οὐ γὰρ εὐκρινῶς ἀποδίδωσιν ὁ ποιητὴς οὔτε περὶ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας οὔτε περὶ τῆς Ἰθάκης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πλησίον τόπων, ὥστε καὶ οἱ ἐξηγούμενοι διαφέρονται καὶ οἱ ἱστοροῦντες.

But though at the present time only the people of the island Cephallenia are called Cephallenians, Homer so calls all who were subject to Odysseus, among whom are also the Acarnanians. For after saying,but Odysseus led the Cephallenians, who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage {62} (Neritum being the famous mountain on this island, as also when he says,and those from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades, {63} Dulichium itself being one of the Echinades; andthose who dwelt in Buprasium and Elis, {64} Buprasium being in Elis; andthose who held Euboea and Chalcis and Eiretria, {65} meaning that these cities were in Euboea; andTrojans and Lycians and Dardanians, {66} meaning that the Lycians and Dardanians were Trojans)--however, after mentioning "Neritum, he says,and dwelt in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips, and those who held Zacynthos and those who dwelt about Samos, and those who held the mainland and dwelt in the parts over against the islands. {67} By "mainland," {68} therefore, he means the parts over against the islands, wishing to include, along with Leucas, the rest of Acarnania as well, {69} concerning which he also speaks in this way,twelve herd on the mainland, and as many flocks of sheep, {70} perhaps because Epeirotis extended thus far in early times and was called by the general name "mainland." But by "Samos" he means the Cephallenia of today, as, when he says,in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos; {71} for by the epithet he differentiates between the objects bearing the same name, thus making the name apply, not to the city, but to the island. For the island was a Tetrapolis, {72} and one of its four cities was the city called indifferently either Samos or Same, bearing the same name as the island. And when the poet says,for all the nobles who hold sway over the islands, Dulichium and Same and woody Zacynthos, {73} he is evidently making an enumeration of the islands and calling "Same" that island which he had formerly {74} called Samos. But Apollodorus, {75} when he says in one passage that ambiguity is removed by the epithet when the poet saysand rugged Samos, {76} showing that he meant the island, and then, in another passage, says that one should copy the reading,Dulichium and Samos, {77} instead of "Same," plainly takes the position that the city was called "Same" or "Samos" indiscriminately, but the island "Samos" only; for that the city was called Same is clear, according to Apollodorus, from the fact that, in enumerating the wooers from the several cities, the poet {78} said,from Same came four and twenty men, {79} and also from the statement concerning Ktimene,they then sent her to Same to wed. {80} But this is open to argument, for the poet does not express himself distinctly concerning either Cephallenia or Ithaca and the other places near by; and consequently both the commentators and the historians are at variance with one another.

62. Hom. Il. 2.631

63. Hom. Il. 2.625

64. Hom. Il. 2.615

65. Hom. Il. 2.536

66. Hom. Il. 8.173

67. Hom. Il. 2.633

68. "epeirus" (cp. "Epeirus").

69. On Homer's use of this "poetic figure," in which he specifies the part with the whole, cp. 8. 3. 8 and 1. 2. 23.

70. Hom. Od. 14.100

71. Hom. Od. 4.671

72. i.e., politically it was composed of four cities.

73. Hom. Od. 1.245

74. Hom. Il. 2.634.

75. See Dictionary in Vol. I.

76. Hom. Od. 4.671

77. Hom. Od. 1.246

78. In the words of Telemachus.

79. Hom. Od. 16.249

80. Hom. Od. 15.367

010.002.011

αὐτίκα γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰθάκης ὅταν φῇ

οἵ ῥ' Ἰθάκην εἶχον καὶ Νήριτον εἰνοσίφυλλον,

ὅτι μὲν τὸ Νήριτον ὄρος λέγει τῷ ἐπιθέτῳ δηλοῖ. ἐν ἄλλοις δὲ καὶ ῥητῶς ὄρος

ναιετάω δ' Ἰθάκην εὐδείελον· ἐν δ' ὄρος αὐτῇ, Νήριτον εἰνοσίφυλλον ἀριπρεπές.

Ἰθάκην δ' εἴτε τὴν πόλιν εἴτε τὴν νῆσον λέγει, οὐ δῆλον ἐν τούτῳ γε τῷ ἔπει

οἵ ῥ' Ἰθάκην εἶχον καὶ Νήριτον.

κυρίως μὲν γὰρ ἀκούων τις τὴν πόλιν δέξαιτ' ἄν, ὡς καὶ Ἀθήνας καὶ Λυκαβηττὸν εἴ τις λέγοι, καὶ Ῥόδον καὶ Ἀτάβυριν, καὶ ἔτι Λακεδαίμονα καὶ Ταΰγετον· ποιητικῶς δὲ τοὐναντίον. ἐν μέντοι τῷ

ναιετάω δ' Ἰθάκην εὐδείελον· ἐν δ' ὄρος αὐτῇ Νήριτον

δῆλον· ἐν γὰρ τῇ νήσῳ οὐκ ἐν τῇ πόλει τὸ ὄρος. ὅταν δὲ οὕτω φῇ

ἡμεῖς ἐξ Ἰθάκης ὑπὸ Νηίου εἰλήλουθμεν,

ἄδηλον, εἴτε τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ Νηρίτῳ λέγει τὸ Νήιον εἴτε ἕτερον ἢ ὄρος ἢ χωρίον. ὁ μέντοι ἀντὶ Νηρίτου γράφων Νήρικον, ἢ ἀνάπαλιν, παραπαίει τελέως· τὸ μὲν γὰρ εἰνοσίφυλλον καλεῖ ὁ ποιητής, τὸ δ' ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐν Ἰθάκῃ, τὸ δ' ἀκτὴν ἠπείροιο.

For instance, when Homer says in regard to Ithaca,those who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage, {81} he clearly indicates by the epithet that he means the mountain Neritum; and in other passages he expressly calls it a mountain;but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, with quivering leaves and conspicuous from afar. {82} But whether by Ithaca he means the city or the island, is not clear, at least in the following verse,those who held Ithaca and Neritum; {83} for if one takes the word in its proper sense, one would interpret it as meaning the city, just as though one should say "Athens and Lycabettus," or "Rhodes and Atabyris," or "Lacedaemon and Taÿgetus"; but if he takes it in a poetical sense the opposite is true. However, in the words,but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, {84} his meaning is clear, for the mountain is in the island, not in the city. But when he says as follows,we have come from Ithaca below Neïum, {85} it is not clear whether he means that Neïum is the same as Neritum or different, or whether it is a mountain or place. However, the critic who writes Nericum {86} instead of Neritum, or the reverse, is utterly mistaken; for the poet refers to the latter as "quivering with foliage," {87} but to the former as "well-built citadel," {88} and to the latter as "in Ithaca," {89} but to the former as "shore of the mainland." {90}

81. Hom. Il. 2.632

82. Hom. Od. 9.21

83. Hom. Il. 2.632

84. Hom. Od. 9.21

85. Hom. Od. 3.81

86. Accusative of "Nericus."

87. Hom. Il. 2.632.

88. Hom. Od. 24.377.

89. Hom. Od. 9.21.

90. Hom. Od. 24.378..

010.002.012

καὶ τοῦτο δὲ δοκεῖ ὑπεναντιότητά τινα δηλοῦν

αὐτὴ δὲ χθαμαλὴ πανυπερτάτη εἰν ἁλὶ κεῖται.

χθαμαλὴ μὲν γὰρ ἡ ταπεινὴ καὶ χαμηλή, πανυπερτάτη δὲ ἡ ὑψηλή, οἵαν διὰ πλειόνων σημαίνει, Κραναὴν καλῶν· καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ λιμένος

τρηχεῖαν ἀταρπὸν χῶρον ἀν' ὑλήεντ

καί

οὐ γάρ τις νήσων εὐδείελος, οὐδ' εὐλείμων, αἵ θ' ἁλὶ κεκλίαται· Ἰθάκη δέ τε καὶ περὶ πασέων.

ἔχει μὲν οὖν ἀπεμφάσεις τοιαύτας ἡ φράσις, ἐξηγοῦνται δὲ οὐ κακῶς· οὔτε γὰρ χθαμαλὴν δέχονται ταπεινὴν ἐνταῦθα, ἀλλὰ πρόσχωρον τῇ ἠπείρῳ ἐγγυτάτω οὖσαν αὐτῆς· οὔτε πανυπερτάτην ὑψηλοτάτην ἀλλὰ πανυπερτάτην πρὸς ζόφον, οἷον ὑπὲρ πάσας ἐσχάτην τετραμμένην πρὸς ἄρκτον· τοῦτο γὰρ βούλεται λέγειν τὸ πρὸς ζόφον, τὸ δ' ἐναντίον πρὸς νότον

αἱ δέ τ' ἄνευθε πρὸς ἠῶ τ' ἠέλιόν τε.

τὸ γὰρ ἄνευθε πόρρω καὶ χωρὶς ἔστιν, ὡς τῶν μὲν ἄλλων πρὸς νότον κεκλιμένων καὶ ἀπωτέρω τῆς ἠπείρου, τῆς δ' Ἰθάκης ἐγγύθεν καὶ πρὸς ἄρκτον. ὅτι δ' οὕτω λέγει τὸ νότιον μέρος καὶ ἐν τοῖσδε φανερόν

εἴτ' ἐπὶ δεξί' ἴωσι, πρὸς ἠῶ τ' ἠέλιόν τε, εἴτ' ἐπ' ἀριστερὰ τοί γε, ποτὶ ζόφον ἠερόεντ

καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν τοῖσδε

ὦ φίλοι, οὐ γάρ τ' ἴδμεν, ὅπη ζόφος, οὐδ' ὅπη ἠώς, οὐδ' ὅπη ἠέλιος φαεσίμβροτος εἶς' ὑπὸ γαῖαν, οὐδ' ὅπη ἀννεῖται.

ἔστι μὲν γὰρ δέξασθαι τὰ τέτταρα κλίματα τὴν ἠῶ δεχομένους τὸ νότιον μέρος, ἔχει τέ τινα τοῦτ' ἔμφασιν· ἀλλὰ βέλτιον τὸ κατὰ τὴν πάροδον τοῦ ἡλίου νοεῖν ἀντιτιθέμενον τῷ ἀρκτικῷ μέρει· ἐξάλλαξιν γάρ τινα τῶν οὐρανίων πολλὴν βούλεται σημαίνειν ὁ λόγος, οὐχὶ ψιλὴν ἐπίκρυψιν τῶν κλιμάτων. δεῖ γὰρ κατὰ πάντα συννεφῆ καιρόν, ἄν θ' ἡμέρας ἄν τε νύκτωρ συμβῇ, παρακολουθεῖν· τὰ δ' οὐράνια ἐξαλλάττει ἐπὶ πλέον τῷ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν μᾶλλον ἢ ἧττον παραχωρεῖν ἡμᾶς ἢ εἰς τοὐναντίον. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ δύσεως καὶ ἀνατολῆς ἐγκαλύψεις ποιεῖ καὶ γὰρ αἰθρίας οὔσης συμβαίνει , ἀλλὰ μεσημβρίας καὶ ἄρκτου. μάλιστα γὰρ ἀρκτικός ἐστιν ὁ πόλος· τούτου δὲ κινουμένου, καὶ ποτὲ μὲν κατὰ κορυφὴν ἡμῖν γινομένου ποτὲ δὲ ὑπὸ γῆς ὄντος, καὶ οἱ ἀρκτικοὶ συμμεταβάλλουσι, ποτὲ δὲ συνεκλείπουσι κατὰ τὰς τοιαύτας παραχωρήσεις, ὥστε οὐκ ἂν εἰδείης ὅπου ἐστὶ τὸ ἀρκτικὸν κλίμα, οὐδ' εἰ ἀρχὴν ἐστίν· εἰ δὲ τοῦτο, οὐδὲ τοὐναντίον ἂν γνοίης. Κύκλος δὲ τῆς Ἰθάκης ἐστὶν ὡς ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίων. περὶ μὲν Ἰθάκης ταῦτα.

The following verse also is thought to disclose a sort of contradiction:Now Ithaca itself lies chthamale, panypertate on the sea; {91} for chthamale means "low," or "on the ground," whereas panypertate means "high up," as Homer indicates in several places when he calls Ithaca "rugged." {92} And so when he refers to the road that leads from the harbor asrugged path up through the wooded place, {93} and when he saysfor not one of the islands which lean upon the sea is eudeielos {94} or rich in meadows, and Ithaca surpasses them all. {95} Now although Homer's phraseology presents incongruities of this kind, yet they are not poorly explained; for, in the first place, writers do not interpret chthamale as meaning "low-lying" here, but "lying near the mainland," since it is very close to it, and, secondly, they do not interpret panypertate as meaning "highest," but "highest towards the darkness," that is, farthest removed towards the north beyond all the others; for this is what he means by "towards the darkness," but the opposite by "towards the south," as inbut the other islands lie aneuthe towards the dawn and the sun, {96} for the word aneuthe is "at a distance," or "apart," implying that the other islands lie towards the south and farther away from the mainland, whereas Ithaca lies near the mainland and towards the north. That Homer refers in this way to the southerly region is clear also from these words,whether they go to the right, towards the dawn and the sun, or yet to the left towards the misty darkness, {97} and still more clear from these words,my friends, lo, now we know not where is the place of darkness, nor of dawn, nor where the sun, that gives light to men, goes beneath the earth; nor where he rises. {98} For it is indeed possible to interpret this as meaning the four "climata," {99} if we interpret "the dawn" as meaning the southerly region (and this has some plausibility), but it is better to conceive of the region which is along the path of the sun as set opposite to the northerly region, for the poetic words are intended to signify a considerable change in the celestial phenomena, {100} not merely a temporary concealment of the "climata," for necessarily concealment ensues every time the sky is clouded, whether by day or by night; but the celestial phenomena change to a greater extent as we travel farther and farther towards the south or in the opposite direction. Yet this travel causes a hiding, not of the western or eastern sky, but only of the southern or northern, and in fact this hiding takes place when the sky is clear; for the pole is the most northerly point of the sky, but since the pole moves and is sometimes at our zenith and sometimes below the earth, the arctic circles also change with it and in the course of such travels sometimes vanish with it, {101} so that you cannot know where the northern "clima" is, or even where it begins. {102} And if this is true, neither can you know the opposite "clima." The circuit of Ithaca is about eighty stadia. {103} So much for Ithaca.

91. Hom. Od. 9.25 (see 1. 2. 20 and footnote).

92. Hom. Il. 3.201; Hom. Od. 1.247; 9.27; 10.417; 15.510; 16.124; 21.346.

93. Hom. Od. 14.1

94. On eudeielos, see 9. 2. 41. and footnote.

95. Hom. Od. 4.607; but in this particular passage the Homeric text has hippelatos ("fit for driving horses") instead of eudeielos, although in Hom. Od. 9.21, and elsewhere, Homer does apply the latter epithet to Ithaca.

96. Hom. Od. 9.26

97. Hom. Il. 12.239

98. Hom. Od. 10.190

99. But in this passage "climata" is used in a different sense from that in 1. 1. 10 (see also footnote 2 ad loc., Vol. I, p. 22). It means here the (four) quarters of the sky, (l) where the sun sets, (2) where it rises, (3) the region of the celestial north pole, and (4) the region opposite thereto south of the equator.

100. Odysseus was at the isle of Circe when he uttered the words in question, and hence, relatively, the celestial phenomena had changed (see 1. l. 21).

101. i.e., the infinite number of possible northern arctic circles vanish when the traveller (going south) crosses the equator, and, in the same way, the corresponding quarter of the southern sky vanishes when the traveller, going north, crosses the equator (see Vol. I, p. 364, note 2).

102. See critical note.

103. See critical note.

010.002.013

τὴν δὲ Κεφαλληνίαν τετράπολιν οὖσαν οὔτ' αὐτὴν εἴρηκε τῷ νῦν ὀνόματι οὔτε τῶν πόλεων οὐδεμίαν, πλὴν μιᾶς εἴτε Σάμης εἴτε Σάμου, ἣ νῦν μὲν οὐκέτ' ἐστίν, ἴχνη δ' αὐτῆς δείκνυται κατὰ μέσον τὸν πρὸς Ἰθάκῃ πορθμόν· οἱ δ' ἀπ' αὐτῆς Σαμαῖοι καλοῦνται· αἱ δ' ἄλλαι καὶ νῦν εἰσὶν ἔτι μικραὶ πόλεις τινές, Παλεῖς Πρώνησος καὶ Κράνιοι. ἐφ' ἡμῶν δὲ καὶ ἄλλην προσέκτισε Γάιος Ἀντώνιος, ὁ θεῖος Μάρκου Ἀντωνίου, ἡνίκα φυγὰς γενόμενος μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν, ἣν συνῆρξε Κικέρωνι τῷ ῥήτορι, ἐν τῇ Κεφαλληνίᾳ διέτριψε καὶ τὴν ὅλην νῆσον ὑπήκοον ἔσχεν ὡς ἴδιον κτῆμα· οὐκ ἔφθη μέντοι συνοικίσας, ἀλλὰ καθόδου τυχὼν πρὸς ἄλλοις μείζοσιν ὢν κατέλυσε τὸν βίον.

As for Cephallenia, which is a Tetrapolis, the poet mentions by its present name neither it nor any of its cities except one, Same or Samos, which now no longer exists, though traces of it are to be seen midway of the passage to Ithaca; and its people are called Samaeans. The other three, however, survive even to this day in the little cities Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. And in our time Gaius Antonius, the uncle of Marcus Antonius, founded still another city, when, after his consulship, which he held with Cicero the orator, he went into exile, {104} sojourned in Cephallenia, and held the whole island in subjection as though it were his private estate. However, before he could complete the settlement he obtained permission to return home, {105} and ended his days amid other affairs of greater importance.

104. 59 B.C.

105. Probably from Caesar. He was back in Rome in 44 B.C.

010.002.014

οὐκ ὤκνησαν δέ τινες τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν τὴν αὐτὴν τῷ Δουλιχίῳ φάναι, οἱ δὲ τῇ Τάφῳ, καὶ Ταφίους τοὺς Κεφαλληνίους, τοὺς δ' αὐτοὺς καὶ Τηλεβόας, καὶ τὸν Ἀμφιτρύωνα δεῦρο στρατεῦσαι μετὰ Κεφάλου τοῦ Δηιονέως ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν φυγάδος παραληφθέντος, κατασχόντα δὲ τὴν νῆσον παραδοῦναι τῷ Κεφάλῳ, καὶ ταύτην μὲν ἐπώνυμον ἐκείνου γενέσθαι τὰς δὲ πόλεις τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ. ταῦτα δ' οὐχ ὁμηρικά· οἱ μὲν γὰρ Κεφαλλῆνες ὑπὸ Ὀδυσσεῖ καὶ Λαέρτῃ, ἡ δὲ Τάφος ὑπὸ τῷ Μέντῃ

Μέντης Ἀγχιάλοιο δαΐφρονος εὔχομαι εἶναι υἱός, ἀτὰρ Ταφίοισι φιληρέτμοισιν ἀνάσσω.

καλεῖται δὲ νῦν Ταφιὰς ἡ Τάφος. οὐδ' Ἑλλάνικος ὁμηρικὸς Δουλίχιον τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν λέγων. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ Μέγητι εἴρηται καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ Ἐχινάδες, οἵ τε ἐνοικοῦντες Ἐπειοὶ ἐξ Ἤλιδος ἀφιγμένοι· διόπερ καὶ τὸν Ὠτον τὸν Κυλλήνιον

Φυλείδεω ἕταρον μεγαθύμων ἀρχὸν Ἐπειῶν

καλεῖ.

αὐτὰρ Ὀδυσσεὺς ἦγε Κεφαλλῆνας μεγαθύμους.

οὔτ' οὖν Δουλίχιον ἡ Κεφαλληνία καθ' Ὅμηρον οὔτε τῆς Κεφαλληνίας τὸ Δουλίχιον, ὡς Ἄνδρων φησί· τὸ μὲν γὰρ Ἐπειοὶ κατεῖχον, τὴν δὲ Κεφαλληνίαν ὅλην Κεφαλλῆνες ὑπὸ Ὀδυσσεῖ, οἱ δ' ὑπὸ Μέγητι. οὐδὲ Παλεῖς Δουλίχιον ὑφ' Ὁμήρου λέγονται, ὡς γράφει Φερεκύδης. μάλιστα δ' ἐναντιοῦται Ὁμήρῳ ὁ τὴν Κεφαλληνίαν τὴν αὐτὴν τῷ Δουλιχίῳ λέγων, εἴπερ τῶν μνηστήρων ἐκ μὲν Δουλιχίοιο δύω καὶ πεντήκοντα ἦσαν, ἐκ δὲ Σάμης πίσυρές τε καὶ εἴκοσιν. οὐ γὰρ τοῦτ' ἂν εἴη λέγων, ἐξ ὅλης μὲν τόσους ἐκ δὲ μιᾶς τῶν τεττάρων παρὰ δύο τοὺς ἡμίσεις. εἰ δ' ἄρα τοῦτο δώσει τις, ἐρησόμεθα τίς ἂν εἴη ἡ Σάμη, ὅταν οὕτω φῇ

Δουλίχιόν τε Σάμην τ' ἠδ' ὑλήεντα Ζάκυνθον.

Some, however, have not hesitated to identify Cephallenia with Dulichium, and others with Taphos, calling the Cephallenians Taphians, and likewise Teleboans, and to say that Amphitryon made an expedition thither with Cephalus, the son of Deïoneus, whom, an exile from Athens, he had taken along with him, and that when Amphitryon seized the island he gave it over to Cephalus, and that the island was named after Cephalus and the cities after his children. But this is not in accordance with Homer; for the Cephallenians were subject to Odysseus and Laertes, whereas Taphos was subject to Mentes:

010.002.015

κεῖται δ' ἡ Κεφαλληνία κατὰ Ἀκαρνανίαν, διέχουσα τοῦ Λευκάτα περὶ πεντήκοντα οἱ δὲ τετταράκοντά φασι σταδίους, τοῦ δὲ Χελωνάτα περὶ ὀγδοήκοντα. αὐτὴ δ' ἐστὶν ὡς τριακοσίων τὴν περίμετρον, μακρὰ δ' ἀνήκουσα πρὸς εὖρον, ὀρεινή· μέγιστον δ' ὄρος ἐν αὐτῇ ἐν ᾧ τὸ Διὸς Αἰνησίου ἱερόν· καθ' ὃ δὲ στενωτάτη ἐστὶν ἡ νῆσος, ταπεινὸν ἰσθμὸν ποιεῖ ὥσθ' ὑπερκλύζεσθαι πολλάκις ἐκ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν· πλησίον δ' εἰσὶ τῶν στενῶν ἐν κόλπῳ Κράνιοί τε καὶ Παλεῖς.

Cephallenia lies opposite Acarnania, at a distance of about fifty stadia from Leucatas (some say forty), and about one hundred and eighty from Chelonatas. It has a perimeter of about three hundred {115} stadia, is long, extending towards Eurus, {116} and is mountainous. The largest mountain upon it is Aenus, whereon is the temple of Zeus Aenesius; and where the island is narrowest it forms an isthmus so low-lying that it is often submerged from sea to sea. Both Paleis and Crannii are on the gulf near the narrows.

115. See critical note.

116. i.e., towards the direction of winter sunrise (rather southeast) as explained by Poseidonius (see discussion in 1. 2. 21.

010.002.016

μεταξὺ δὲ τῆς Ἰθάκης καὶ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας ἡ Ἀστερία νησίον Ἀστερὶς δ' ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ λέγεται ἣν ὁ μὲν Σκήψιος μὴ μένειν τοιαύτην οἵαν φησὶν ὁ ποιητής

λιμένες δ' ἔνι ναύλοχοι αὐτῇ ἀμφίδυμοι.

ὁ δὲ Ἀπολλόδωρος μένειν καὶ νῦν, καὶ πολίχνιον λέγει ἐν αὐτῇ Ἀλαλκομενὰς τὸ ἐπ' αὐτῷ τῷ ἰσθμῷ κείμενον.

Between Ithaca and Cephallenia is the small island Asteria (the poet calls it Asteris), which the Scepsian {117} says no longer remains such as the poet describes it,but in it are harbors safe for anchorage with entrances on either side; {118} Apollodorus, however, says that it still remains so to this day, and mentions a town Alalcomenae upon it, situated on the isthmus itself.

117. Demetrius of Scepsis.

118. Hom. Od. 4.846

010.002.017

καλεῖ δ' ὁ ποιητὴς Σάμον καὶ τὴν Θρᾳκίαν, ἣν νῦν Σαμοθρᾴκην καλοῦμεν. τὴν δ' Ἰωνικὴν οἶδε μέν, ὡς εἰκός· καὶ γὰρ τὴν Ἰωνικὴν ἀποικίαν εἰδέναι φαίνεται· οὐκ ἂν ἀντιδιέστειλε δὲ τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν, περὶ τῆς Σαμοθρᾴκης λέγων, τοτὲ μὲν τῷ ἐπιθέτῳ

ὑψοῦ ἐπ' ἀκροτάτης κορυφῆς Σάμου ὑληέσσης, Θρηικίης

τοτὲ δὲ τῇ συζυγίᾳ τῶν πλησίον νήσων

ἐς Σάμον ἔς τ' Ἴμβρον καὶ Λῆμνον ἀμιχθαλόεσσαν

καὶ πάλιν

μεσσηγύς τε Σάμοιο καὶ Ἴμβρου παιπαλοέσσης.

ᾔδει μὲν οὖν, οὐκ ὠνόμακε δ' αὐτήν· οὐδ' ἐκαλεῖτο τῷ αὐτῷ ὀνόματι πρότερον, ἀλλὰ Μελάμφυλλος, εἶτ' Ἀνθεμίς, εἶτα Παρθενία ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ Παρθενίου, ὃς Ἴμβρασος μετωνομάσθη. ἐπεὶ οὖν κατὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ Σάμος μὲν καὶ ἡ Κεφαλληνία ἐκαλεῖτο καὶ ἡ Σαμοθρᾴκη οὐ γὰρ ἂν Ἑκάβη εἰσήγετο λέγουσα ὅτι τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῆς πέρνασχ' ὅν κε λάβοι ἐς Σάμον ἔς τ' Ἴμβρον , Ἰωνικὴ δ' οὐκ ἀπῴκιστό πω, δῆλον ὅτι ἀπὸ τῶν προτέρων τινὸς τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν ἔσχεν· ἐξ ὧν κἀκεῖνο δῆλον, ὅτι παρὰ τὴν ἀρχαίαν ἱστορίαν ὃ λέγουσιν οἱ φήσαντες, μετὰ τὴν Ἰωνικὴν ἀποικίαν καὶ τὴν Τεμβρίωνος παρουσίαν ἀποίκους ἐλθεῖν ἐκ Σάμου καὶ ὀνομάσαι Σάμον τὴν Σαμοθρᾴκην, ὡς οἱ Σάμιοι τοῦτ' ἐπλάσαντο δόξης χάριν. πιθανώτεροι δ' εἰσὶν ὁἶ ἀπὸ τοῦ Σάμους καλεῖσθαι τὰ ὕψη φήσαντες εὑρῆσθαι τοῦτο τοὔνομα τὴν νῆσον· ἐντεῦθεν γάρ

ἐφαίνετο πᾶσα μὲν Ἴδη, φαίνετο δὲ Πριάμοιο πόλις καὶ νῆες Ἀχαιῶν.

τινὲς δὲ Σάμον καλεῖσθαί φασιν ἀπὸ Σαΐων, τῶν οἰκούντων Θρᾳκῶν πρότερον, οἳ καὶ τὴν ἤπειρον ἔσχον τὴν προσεχῆ, εἴτε οἱ αὐτοὶ τοῖς Σαπαίοις ὄντες ἢ τοῖς Σιντοῖς, οὓς Σίντιας καλεῖ ὁ ποιητής, εἴθ' ἕτεροι. μέμνηται δὲ τῶν Σαΐων Ἀρχίλοχος

ἀσπίδα μὲν Σαΐων τὶς ἀνείλετο, τὴν παρὰ θάμνῳ ἔντος ἀμώμητον κάλλιπον οὐκ ἐθέλων.

The poet also uses the name "Samos" for that Thrace which we now call Samothrace. And it is reasonable to suppose that he knows the Ionian Samos, for he also appears to know of the Ionian migration; otherwise he would not have differentiated between the places of the same name when referring to Samothrace, which he designates at one time by the epithet,high on the topmost summit of woody Samos, the Thracian, {119} and at another time by connecting it with the islands near it,unto Samos and Imbros and inhospitable {120} Lemnos. {121} And again,between Samos and rugged Imbros. {122} He therefore knew the Ionian island, although he did not name it; in fact it was not called by the same name in earlier times, but Melampylus, then Anthemis, then Parthenia, from the River Parthenius, the name of which was changed to Imbrasus. Since, then, both Cephallenia and Samothrace were called Samos at the time of the Trojan War (for otherwise Hecabe would not be introduced as saying that he {123} was for selling her children whom he might take captive "unto Samos and unto Imbros"), {124} and since the Ionian Samos had not yet been colonized, it plainly got its name from one of the islands which earlier bore the same name. Whence that other fact is also clear, that those writers contradict ancient history who say that colonists came from Samos after the Ionian migration and the arrival of Tembrion {125} and named Samothrace Samos, since this story was fabricated by the Samians to enhance the glory of their island. Those writers are more plausible who say that the island came upon this name from the fact that lofty places are called "samoi," {126} for thence all Ida was plain to see, and plain to see were the city of Priam and the ships of the Achaeans {127} But some say that the island was called Samos after the Saïi, the Thracians who inhabited it in earlier times, who also held the adjacent mainland, whether these Saïi were the same people as the Sapaeï or Sinti (the poet calls them Sinties) or a different tribe. The Saïi are mentioned by Archilochus:One of the Saïi robbed me of my shield, which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush, against my will. {128}

119. Hom. Il. 13.12

120. Or "smoky"; the meaning of the Greek word is doubtful.

121. Hom. Il. 24.753

122. Hom. Il. 24.78

123. Achilles.

124. Hom. Il. 24.752.

125. See 14. 1. 3.

126. See 8. 3. 19.

127. Hom. Il. 13.13

128. Archil. Fr. 6 (51) (Bergk). Two more lines are preserved: "but I myself escaped the doom of death. Farewell to that shield! I shall get another one as good."

010.002.018

λοιπὴ δ' ἐστὶ τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ Ὀδυσσεῖ τεταγμένων νήσων ἡ Ζάκυνθος, μικρῷ πρὸς ἑσπέραν μᾶλλον τῆς Κεφαλληνίας κεκλιμένη τῆς Πελοποννήσου, συνάπτουσα δ' αὐτῇ πλέον. ἔστι δ' ὁ κύκλος τῆς Ζακύνθου σταδίων ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα· διέχει δὲ καὶ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίους, ὑλώδης μὲν εὔκαρπος δέ· καὶ ἡ πόλις ἀξιόλογος, ὁμώνυμος. ἐντεῦθεν εἰς Ἑσπερίδας τῆς Λιβύης στάδιοι τρισχίλιοι ἑξακόσιοι.

Of the islands classified as subject to Odysseus, Zacynthos remains to be described. It leans slightly more to the west of the Peloponnesus than Cephallenia and lies closer to the latter. The circuit of Zacynthos is one hundred and sixty stadia. {129} It is about sixty stadia distant from Cephallenia. It is indeed a woody island, but it is fertile; and its city, which bears the same name, is worthy of note. The distance thence to the Libyan Hesperides is three thousand three hundred stadia.

129. See critical note.

010.002.019

καὶ ταύτης δὲ καὶ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας πρὸς ἕω τὰς Ἐχινάδας ἱδρῦσθαι νήσους συμβέβηκεν, ὧν τό τε Δουλίχιόν ἐστι καλοῦσι δὲ νῦν Δολίχαν καὶ αἱ Ὀξεῖαι καλούμεναι, ἃς Θοὰς ὁ ποιητὴς εἶπε· καὶ ἡ μὲν Δολίχα κεῖται κατὰ Οἰνιάδας καὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Ἀχελώου, διέχουσα Ἀράξου τῆς τῶν Ἠλείων ἄκρας ἑκατόν, αἱ λοιπαὶ δ' Ἐχινάδες πλείους δ' εἰσί, πᾶσαι λυπραὶ καὶ τραχεῖαι πρὸ τῆς ἐκβολῆς τοῦ Ἀχελώου, πεντεκαίδεκα σταδίους ἀφεστῶσα ἡ ἀπωτάτω, ἡ δ' ἐγγυτάτω πέντε, πελαγίζουσαι πρότερον, ἀλλ' ἡ χοῦς τὰς μὲν ἐξηπείρωκεν αὐτῶν ἤδη, τὰς δὲ μέλλει πολλὴ καταφερομένη· ἥπερ καὶ τὴν Παραχελωῖτιν καλουμένην χώραν, ἣν ὁ ποταμὸς ἐπικλύζει, περιμάχητον ἐποίει τὸ παλαιὸν τοὺς ὅρους συγχέουσα ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀποδεικνυμένους τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσι καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς· ἐκρίνοντο γὰρ τοῖς ὅπλοις οὐκ ἔχοντες διαιτητάς, ἐνίκων δ' οἱ πλέον δυνάμενοι· ἀφ' ἧς αἰτίας καὶ μῦθος ἐπλάσθη τις; ὡς Ἡρακλέους καταπολεμήσαντος τὸν Ἀχελῶον καὶ ἐνεγκαμένου τῆς νίκης ἆθλον τὸν Δηιανείρας γάμον τῆς Οἰνέως θυγατρός, ἣν πεποίηκε Σοφοκλῆς τοιαῦτα λέγουσαν

μνηστὴρ γὰρ ἦν μοι ποταμός, Ἀχελῶον λέγω, ὅς μ' ἐν τρισὶν μορφαῖσιν ἐξῄτει πατρός, φοιτῶν ἐναργὴς ταῦρος, ἄλλοτ' αἰόλος δράκων ἑλικτός, ἄλλοτ' ἀνδρείῳ κύτει βούπρῳρος.

προστιθέασι δ' ἔνιοι καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀμαλθείας τοῦτ' εἶναι λέγοντες κέρας, ὃ ἀπέκλασεν ὁ Ἡρακλῆς τοῦ Ἀχελώου καὶ ἔδωκεν Οἰνεῖ τῶν γάμων ἕδνον· οἱ δ' εἰκάζοντες ἐξ αὐτῶν τἀληθὲς ταύρῳ μὲν ἐοικότα λέγεσθαι τὸν Ἀχελῶόν φασι, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποταμούς, ἀπό τε τῶν ἤχων καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὰ ῥεῖθρα καμπῶν, ἃς καλοῦσι κέρατα, δράκοντι δὲ διὰ τὸ μῆκος καὶ τὴν σκολιότητα, βούπρῳρον δὲ διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν δι' ἣν καὶ ταυρωπόν· τὸν Ἡρακλέα δὲ καὶ ἄλλως εὐεργετικὸν ὄντα καὶ τῷ Οἰνεῖ κηδεύσοντα παραχώμασί τε καὶ διοχετείαις βιάσασθαι τὸν ποταμὸν πλημμελῶς ῥέοντα καὶ πολλὴν τῆς Παραχελωίτιδος ἀναψύξαι χαριζόμενον τῷ Οἰνεῖ· καὶ τοῦτ' εἶναι τὸ τῆς Ἀμαλθείας κέρας. τῶν μὲν οὖν Ἐχινάδων καὶ τῶν Ὀξειῶν κατὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ Μέγητα ἄρχειν φησὶν Ὅμηρος

ὃν τίκτε Διὶ φίλος ἱππότα Φυλεύς, ὅς ποτε Δουλίχιόνδ' ἀπενάσσατο, πατρὶ χολωθείς.

πατὴρ δ' ἦν Αὐγέας ὁ τῆς Ἠλείας καὶ τῶν Ἐπειῶν ἄρχων· ὥστ' Ἐπειοὶ τὰς νήσους ταύτας εἶχον οἱ συνεξάραντες εἰς τὸ Δουλίχιον τῷ Φυλεῖ.

To the east of Zacynthos and Cephallenia are situated the Echinades Islands, among which is Dulichium, now called Dolicha, and also what are called the Oxeiae, which the poet called Thoae. {130} Dolicha lies opposite Oeneiadae and the outlet of the Acheloüs, at a distance of one hundred stadia from Araxus, the promontory of the Eleians; the rest of the Echinades (they are several in number, all poor soiled and rugged) lie off the outlet of the Acheloüs, the farthermost being fifteen stadia distant and the nearest five. In earlier times they lay out in the high sea, but the silt brought down by the Acheloüs has already joined some of them to the mainland and will do the same to others. It was this silt which in early times caused the country called Paracheloïtis, {131} which the river overflows, to be a subject of dispute, since it was always confusing the designated boundaries between the Acarnanians and the Aetolians; for they would decide the dispute by arms, since they had no arbitrators, and the more powerful of the two would win the victory; and this is the cause of the fabrication of a certain myth, telling how Heracles defeated Acheloüs and, as the prize of his victory, won the hand of Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus, whom Sophocles represents as speaking as follows:For my suitor was a river-god, I mean Acheloüs, who would demand me of my father in three shapes, coming now as a bull in bodily form, now as a gleaming serpent in coils, now with trunk of man and front of ox. {132} {133} Some writers add to the myth, saying that this was the horn of Amaltheia, {134} which Heracles broke off from Acheloüs and gave to Oeneus as a wedding gift. Others, conjecturing the truth from the myths, say that the Acheloüs, like the other rivers, was called "like a bull" from the roaring of its waters, and also from the the bendings of its streams, which were called Horns, and "like a serpent" because of its length and windings, and "with front of ox" {135} for the same reason that he was called "bull-faced"; and that Heracles, who in general was inclined to deeds of kindness, but especially for Oeneus, since he was to ally himself with him by marriage, regulated the irregular flow of the river by means of embankments and channels, and thus rendered a considerable part of Paracheloïtis dry, all to please Oeneus; and that this was the horn of Amaltheia. {136} Now, as for the Echinades, or the Oxeiae, Homer says that they were ruled over in the time of the Trojan War by Meges,who was begotten by the knightly Phyleus, dear to Zeus, who once changed his abode to Dulichium because he was wroth with his father. {137} His father was Augeas, the ruler of the Eleian country and the Epeians; and therefore the Epeians who set out for Dulichium with Phyleus held these islands.

130. In Greek "Oxeiai" and "Thoai," both words meaning "sharp" or "pointed" (see 8. 3. 26 and footnote, and Hom. Od. 15.299.

131. i.e., "Along the Acheloüs.

132. Soph. Trach. 7-11

133. One vase-painting shows Acheloüs fighting with Achilles as a serpent with the head and arms of a man, and with ox horns, and another as a human figure, except that he had the forehead, horns, and ears of an ox (Jebb, note ad loc.).

134. Cf. 3. 2. 14 and footnote.

135. Literally, "ox-prowed" (see Jebb, loc. cit.).

136. Cp. 3. 2. 14.

137. Hom. Il. 2.628

010.002.020

αἱ δὲ τῶν Ταφίων νῆσοι, πρότερον δὲ Τηλεβοῶν, ὧν ἦν καὶ ἡ Τάφος νῦν δὲ Ταφιὰς καλουμένη, χωρὶς ἦσαν τούτων οὐ τοῖς διαστήμασιν ἐγγὺς γὰρ κεῖνται ἀλλὰ ὑφ' ἑτέροις ἡγεμόσι ταττόμεναι, Ταφίοις καὶ Τηλεβόαις· πρότερον μὲν οὖν Ἀμφιτρύων ἐπιστρατεύσας αὐτοῖς μετὰ Κεφάλου τοῦ Δηιονέως ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν φυγάδος, ἐκείνῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρέδωκεν αὐτῶν· ὁ δὲ ποιητὴς ὑπὸ Μέντῃ τετάχθαι φησὶ λῃστὰς καλῶν αὐτούς, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς Τηλεβόας ἅπαντάς φασι. τὰ μὲν περὶ τὰς νήσους τὰς πρὸ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας ταῦτα.

The islands of the Taphians, or, in earlier times, of the Teleboans, among which was Taphos,. now called Taphius, were distinct from the Echinades; not in the matter of distances (for they lie near them), but in that they are classified as under different commanders, Taphians and Teleboans. {138} Now in earlier times Amphitryon made an expedition against them with Cephalus the son of Deïoneus, an exile from Athens, and gave over their government to him, but the poet says that they were marshalled under Mentes, {139} calling them pirates, {140} as indeed all the Teleboans are said to be pirates. So much, then, for the islands lying off Acarnania.

138. The latter name is not found in the Iliad or Odyssey.

139. Hom. Od. 1.180.

140. Hom. Od. 15.427.

010.002.021

μεταξὺ δὲ Λευκάδος καὶ τοῦ Ἀμβρακικοῦ κόλπου λιμνοθάλαττά ἐστι Μυρτούντιον λεγομένη. ἀπὸ δὲ Λευκάδος ἑξῆς Πάλαιρος καὶ Ἀλυζία τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας εἰσὶ πόλεις, ὧν ἡ Ἀλυζία πεντεκαίδεκα ἀπὸ θαλάττης διέχει σταδίους, καθ' ἥν ἐστι λιμὴν Ἡρακλέους ἱερὸς καὶ τέμενος, ἐξ οὗ τοὺς Ἡρακλέους ἄθλους, ἔργα Λυσίππου, μετήνεγκεν εἰς Ῥώμην τῶν ἡγεμόνων τις, παρὰ τόπον κειμένους διὰ τὴν ἐρημίαν. εἶτα ἄκρα Κριθώτη καὶ ἇἶ Ἐχινάδες καὶ πόλις Ἀστακός, ὁμώνυμος τῇ περὶ Νικομήδειαν καὶ τὸν Ἀστακηνὸν κόλπον καὶ ἡ Κριθώτη δ' ὁμώνυμος πολίχνη τῶν ἐν τῇ Θρᾳκίᾳ Χερρονήσῳ · πάντα δ' εὐλίμενα τὰ μεταξύ· εἶτ' Οἰνιάδαι καὶ ὁ Ἀχελῶος· εἶτα λίμνη τῶν Οἰνιαδῶν Μελίτη καλουμένη, μῆκος μὲν ἔχουσα τριάκοντα σταδίων πλάτος δὲ εἴκοσι, καὶ ἄλλη Κυνία διπλασία ταύτης καὶ μῆκος καὶ πλάτος, τρίτη δ' Οὐρία πολλῷ τούτων μικροτέρα· ἡ μὲν οὖν Κυνία καὶ ἐκδίδωσιν εἰς τὴν θάλατταν, αἱ λοιπαὶ δ' ὑπέρκεινται ὅσον ἡμιστάδιον· εἶθ' ὁ Εὔηνος, εἰς ὃν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀκτίου στάδιοι ἑξακόσιοι ἑβδομήκοντα· μετὰ δὲ τὸν Εὔηνον τὸ ὄρος ἡ Χαλκίς, ἣν Χαλκίαν εἴρηκεν Ἀρτεμίδωρος· εἶθ' ἡ Πλευρών, εἶθ' ἡ Ἁλίκυρνα κώμη, ἧς ὑπέρκειται Καλυδὼν ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ σταδίοις τριάκοντα· περὶ δὲ τὴν Καλυδῶνά ἐστι τὸ τοῦ Λαφρίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν· εἶθ' ὁ Ταφιασσὸς τὸ ὄρος, εἶτα Μακυνία πόλις, εἶτα Μολύκρεια καὶ πλησίον τὸ Ἀντίρριον τὸ τῆς Αἰτωλίας ὅριον καὶ τῆς Λοκρίδος, εἰς ὃ ἀπὸ τοῦ Εὐήνου στάδιοι περὶ ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν. Ἀρτεμίδωρος μὲν ὁὐχ οὕτω περὶ τῆς εἴτε Χαλκίδος εἴτε Χαλκίας τοῦ ὄρους, μεταξὺ τοῦ Ἀχελώου καὶ τῆς Πλευρῶνος ἱδρύων αὐτήν, Ἀπολλόδωρος δέ, ὡς πρότερον εἶπον, ὑπὲρ τῆς Μολυκρείας καὶ τὴν Χαλκίδα καὶ τὸν Ταφιασσόν· καὶ τὴν δὲ Καλυδῶνα μεταξὺ ἱδρῦσθαί φησι τῆς τε Πλευρῶνος καὶ τῆς Χαλκίδος· εἰ μὴ ἄρα ἕτερον θετέον τὸ πρὸς Πλευρῶνι ὄρος Χαλκίαν καλούμενον, ἕτερον δὲ τὴν Χαλκίδα τὴν πρὸς Μολυκρείᾳ. ἔστι δέ τις καὶ πρὸς τῇ Καλυδῶνι λίμνη μεγάλη καὶ εὔοψος, ἣν ἔχουσιν οἱ ἐν Πάτραις Ῥωμαῖοι.

Between Leucas and the Ambracian Gulf is a salt lake, called Myrtuntium. Next after Leucas one comes to Palaerus and Alyzia, cities of Acarnania; of these, Alyzia is fifteen stadia distant from the sea, where is a harbor sacred to Heracles and a sacred precinct. It is from this precinct that one of the commanders carried to Rome the "Labours of Heracles," works of Lysippus, which were lying out of place where they were, because it was a deserted region. Then one comes to Cape Crithote, and the Echinades, and the city Astacus, which bears the same name as the city near Nicomedeia and Gulf Astacenus, {141} the name being used in the feminine gender. Crithote also bears the same name as one of the little cities in the Thracian Chersonesus. {142} All parts of the coast between these places have good harbors. Then one comes to Oeniadae and the Acheloüs; then to a lake of the Oeniadae, called Melite, which is thirty stadia in length and twenty in breadth; and to another lake, Cynia, which is twice the size of Melite, both in length and in breadth; and to a third, Uria, which is much smaller than those. Now Cynia empties into the sea, but the others lie about half a stadium above it. Then one comes to the Evenus, to which the distance from Actium is six hundred and seventy stadia. After the Evenus one comes to the mountain Chalcis, which Artemidorus has called Chalcia; then to Pleuron; then to the village Halicyrna, above which thirty stadia in the interior, lies Calydon; and near Calydon is the temple of the Laphrian Apollo. Then one comes to the mountain Taphiassus; then to the city Macynia; then to Molycreia and, near by, to Antirrhium, the boundary between Aetolia and Locris, to which the distance from the Evenus is about one hundred and twenty stadia. Artemidorus, indeed, does not give this account of the mountain, whether we call it Chalcis or Chalcia, since he places it between the Acheloüs and Pleuron, but Apollodorus, as I have said before, {143} places both Chalcis and Taphiassus above Molycreia, and he also says that Calydon is situated between Pleuron and Chalcis. Perhaps, however, we should postulate two mountains, one near Pleuron called Chalcis, and the other near Molycreia called Chalcis. Near Calydon, also, is a lake, which is large and well supplied with fish; it is held by the Romans who live in Patrae.

141. Gulf of Ismid.(see 12. 4. 2.).

142. See Book 7 Fr. 55.

143. 10. 2. 4.

010.002.022

τῆς δὲ μεσογαίας κατὰ μὲν τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν Ἐρυσιχαίους τινάς φησιν Ἀπολλόδωρος λέγεσθαι, ὧν Ἀλκμὰν μέμνηται

οὐδ' Ἐρυσιχαῖος, οὐδὲ ποιμήν, ἀλλὰ Σαρδίων ἀπ' ἀκρᾶν.

κατὰ δὲ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἦν Ὤλενος, ἧς ἐν τῷ Αἰτωλικῷ καταλόγῳ μέμνηται Ὅμηρος, ἴχνη δ' αὐτῆς λείπεται μόνον ἐγγὺς τῆς Πλευρῶνος ὑπὸ τῷ Ἀρακύνθῳ· ἦν δὲ καὶ Λυσιμάχεια πλησίον, ἠφανισμένη καὶ αὐτή, κειμένη πρὸς τῇ λίμνῃ τῇ νῦν μὲν Λυσιμαχείᾳ πρότερον δ' Ὕδρᾳ, μεταξὺ Πλευρῶνος καὶ Ἀρσινόης πόλεως, ἣ κώμη μὲν ἦν πρότερον καλουμένη Κωνώπα, κτίσμα δ' ὑπῆρξεν Ἀρσινόης τῆς Πτολεμαίου τοῦ δευτέρου γυναικὸς ἅμα καὶ ἀδελφῆς, εὐφυῶς ἐπικειμένη πως τῇ τοῦ Ἀχελώου διαβάσει· παραπλήσιον δέ τι καὶ ἡ Πυλήνη τῷ Ὠλένῳ πέπονθεν. ὅταν δὲ φῇ τὴν Καλυδῶνα αἰπεῖάν τε καὶ πετρήεσσαν, ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας δεκτέον· εἴρηται γὰρ ὅτι τὴν χώραν δίχα διελόντες τὴν μὲν ὀρεινὴν καὶ ἐπίκτητον τῇ Καλυδῶνι προσένειμαν, τὴν πεδιάδα δὲ τῇ Πλευρῶνι.

Apollodorus says that in the interior of Acarnania there is a people called Erysichaeans, who are mentioned by Alcman:nor yet an Erysichaean nor shepherd, but from the heights of Sardeis. {144} But Olenus, which Homer mentions in the Aetolian catalogue, was in Aetolia, though only traces of it are left, near Pleuron at the foot of Aracynthus. Near it, also, was Lysimachia; this, too, has disappeared; it was situated by the lake now called Lysimachia, in earlier times Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoe. In earlier times Arsinoe was only a village, and was called Conopa, but it was first founded as a city by Arsinoe, who was both wife and sister of Ptolemy the Second; {145} it was rather happily situated at the ford across the Acheloüs. Pylene {146} has also suffered a fate similar to that of Olenus. When the poet calls Calydon both "steep" {147} and "rocky," {148} one should interpret him as referring to the country; for, as I have said, {149} they divided the country into two parts and assigned the mountainous part, or Epictetus, {150} to Calydon and the level country to Pleuron.

144. Alcman Fr. 24 (Bergk)

145. She married him in 279 B.C.

146. Cf. 10. 2. 6.

147. Hom. Il. 13.217

148. Hom. Il. 2.640.

149. 10. 2. 3.

150. i.e., Aetolia the "Acquired" (10. 2. 3).

010.002.023

νυνὶ μὲν οὖν ἐκπεπόνηται καὶ ἀπηγόρευκεν ὑπὸ τῶν συνεχῶν πολέμων ἥ τ' Ἀκαρνανία καὶ Αἰτωλοί, καθάπερ καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν· πλεῖστον μέντοι χρόνον συνέμειναν Αἰτωλοὶ μετὰ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων πρός τε τοὺς Μακεδόνας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας, ὕστατα δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους περὶ τῆς αὐτονομίας ἀγωνιζόμενοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Ὅμηρος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πολὺ μέμνηται καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ποιηταί τε καὶ συγγραφεῖς, τὰ μὲν εὐσήμως τε καὶ ὁμολογουμένως, τὰ δ' ἧττον γνωρίμως καθάπερ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἤδη λεχθεῖσι περὶ αὐτῶν ἀποδέδεικται , προσληπτέον καὶ τῶν παλαιοτέρων τινὰ τῶν ἀρχῆς ἐχόντων τάξιν ἢ διαπορουμένων.

At the present time both the Acarnanians and the Aetolians, like many of the other tribes, have been exhausted and reduced to impotence by their continual wars. However, for a very long time the Aetolians, together with the Acarnanians, stood firm, not only against the Macedonians and the other Greeks, but also finally against the Romans, when fighting for autonomy. But since they are often mentioned by Homer, as also both by the other poets and by historians, sometimes in words that are easy to interpret and about which there is no disagreement, and sometimes in words that are less intelligible (this has been shown in what I have already said about them), I should also add some of those older accounts which afford us a basis of fact to begin with, or are matters of doubt.

010.002.024

εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας ὅτι μὲν αὐτὴν ὁ Λαέρτης καὶ οἱ Κεφαλλῆνες κατεκτήσαντο εἴρηται ἡμῖν, τίνων δὲ κατεχόντων πρότερον πολλοὶ μὲν εἰρήκασιν· οὐχ ὁμολογούμενα δὲ εἰπόντων ἐπιφανῆ δέ, ἀπολείπεταί τις λόγος ἡμῖν διαιτητικὸς περὶ αὐτῶν. φασὶ γὰρ τοὺς Ταφίους τε καὶ Τηλεβόας λεγομένους οἰκεῖν τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν πρότερον, καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα αὐτῶν Κέφαλον τὸν κατασταθέντα ὑπὸ Ἀμφιτρύωνος κύριον τῶν περὶ τὴν Τάφον νήσων κυριεῦσαι καὶ ταύτης τῆς χώρας· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ Λευκάτα νομιζόμενον ἅλμα τούτῳ πρώτῳ προσμυθεύουσιν, ὡς προείρηται. ὁ δὲ ποιητὴς ὅτι μὲν ἦρχον οἱ Τάφιοι τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων πρὶν ἢ τοὺς Κεφαλλῆνας καὶ τὸν Λαέρτην ἐπελθεῖν οὐ λέγει, διότι δ' ἦσαν φίλοι τοῖς Ἰθακησίοις λέγει, ὥστ' ἢ οὐδ' ὅλως ἐπῆρξαν τῶν τόπων κατ' αὐτόν, ἢ ἑκόντες παρεχώρησαν ἢ καὶ σύνοικοι ἐγένοντο. φαίνονται δὲ καὶ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονός τινες ἐποικῆσαι τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν, οἱ μετ' Ἰκαρίου τοῦ Πηνελόπης πατρός· καὶ γὰρ τοῦτον καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτῆς ζῶντας παραδίδωσιν ὁ ποιητὴς κατὰ τὴν Ὀδύσσειαν

οἳ πατρὸς μὲν ἐς οἶκον ἀπερρίγασι νέεσθαι Ἰκαρίου, ὥς κ' αὐτὸς ἐεδνώσαιτο θύγατρα.

καὶ περὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν

ἤδη γάρ ῥα πατήρ τε κασίγνητοί τε κέλονται Εὐρυμάχῳ γήμασθα

οὔτε γὰρ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι πιθανὸν αὐτοὺς οἰκεῖν οὐ γὰρ ἂν ὁ Τηλέμαχος παρὰ Μενελάῳ κατήγετο ἀφιγμένος ἐκεῖσε , οὔτ' ἄλλην οἴκησιν παρειλήφαμεν αὐτῶν. φασὶ δὲ Τυνδάρεων καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν Ἰκάριον ἐκπεσόντας ὑπὸ Ἱπποκόωντος τῆς οἰκείας ἐλθεῖν παρὰ Θέστιον τὸν τῶν Πλευρωνίων ἄρχοντα, καὶ συγκατακτήσασθαι τὴν πέραν τοῦ Ἀχελώου πολλὴν ἐπὶ μέρει· τὸν μὲν οὖν Τυνδάρεων ἐπανελθεῖν οἴκαδε γήμαντα Λήδαν τὴν τοῦ Θεστίου θυγατέρα, τὸν δ' Ἰκάριον ὑπομεῖναι τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας ἔχοντα μέρος, καὶ τεκνοποιήσασθαι τήν τε Πηνελόπην ἐκ Πολυκάστης τῆς Λυγαίου θυγατρὸς καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς αὐτῆς. ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν ἀπεδείξαμεν ἐν τῷ καταλόγῳ τῶν νεῶν καὶ τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καταριθμουμένους καὶ μετασχόντας τῆς ἐπὶ Ἴλιον στρατείας, ἐν οἷς κατωνομάζοντο οἵ τε τὴν ἀκτὴν οἰκοῦντες καὶ ἔτι

οἵ τ' ἤπειρον ἔχον ἠδ' ἀντιπέραι' ἐνέμοντο.

οὔτε δ' ἡ ἤπειρος Ἀκαρνανία ὠνομάζετό πω οὔθ' ἡ ἀκτὴ Λευκάς.

For instance, in the case of Acarnania, Laertes and the Cephallenians acquired possession of it, as I have said; {151} but as to what people held it before that time, many writers have indeed given an opinion, but since they do not agree in their statements, which have, however, a wide currency, there is left for me a word of arbitration concerning them. They say that the people who were called both Taphians and Teleboans lived in Acarnania in earlier times, and that their leader Cephalus, who had been set up by Amphitryon as master over the islands about Taphos, gained the mastery over this country too. And from this fact they go on to add the myth that Cephalus was the first to take the leap from Leucatas which became the custom, as I have said before. {152} But the poet does not say that the Taphians were ruling the Acarnanians before the Cephallenians and Laertes came over, but only that they were friends to the Ithacans, and therefore, according to the poet, they either had not ruled over the region at all, or had yielded Acarnania to the Ithacans voluntarily, or had become joint occupants with them. It appears that also a colony from Lacedaemon settled in Acarnania, I mean Icarius, father of Penelope, and his followers; for in the Odyssey the poet represents both Icarius and the brothers of Penelope as living:who {153} shrink from going to the house of her father, Icarius, that he himself may exact the bride-gifts for his daughter, {154} and, concerning her brothers,for already her father and her brothers bid her marry Eurymachus; {155} for, in the first place, it is improbable that they were living in Lacedaemon, since in that case Telemachus would not have lodged at the home of Menelaüs when he went to Lacedaemon, and, secondly, we have no tradition of their having lived elsewhere. But they say that Tyndareus and his brother Icarius, after being banished by Hippocoön from their homeland, went to Thestius, the ruler of the Pleuronians, and helped him to acquire possession of much of the country on the far side of the Acheloüs on condition that they should receive a share of it; that Tyndareus, however, went back home, having married Leda, the daughter of Thestius, whereas Icarius stayed on, keeping a portion of Acarnania, and by Polycaste, the daughter of Lygaeus, begot both Penelope and her brothers. Now I have already set forth that the Acarnanians were enumerated in the Catalogue of Ships, {156} that they took part in the expedition to Ilium, and that among these were named "those who lived on the 'shore,'" {157} and alsothose who held the mainland and dwelt in parts opposite. {158} But as yet neither had the mainland been named "Acarnania" nor the shore "Leucas."

151. 10. 2. 8, 10.

152. Cf. 10. 2. 9.

153. The suitors.

154. Hom. Od. 2.52

155. Hom. Od. 15.16

156. 10. 2. 25; but Homer nowhere specifically mentions the "Acarnanians."

157. "Shore of the mainland," Hom. Od. 24.378.

158. See 10. 2. 8.

010.002.025

Ἔφορος δ' οὔ φησι συστρατεῦσαι· Ἀλκμέωνα γὰρ τὸν Ἀμφιάρεω στρατεύσαντα μετὰ Διομήδους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἐπιγόνων καὶ κατορθώσαντα τὸν πρὸς Θηβαίους πόλεμον συνελθεῖν Διομήδει καὶ τιμωρήσασθαι μετ' αὐτοῦ τοὺς Οἰνέως ἐχθρούς, παραδόντα δ' ἐκείνοις τὴν Αἰτωλίαν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν παρελθεῖν καὶ ταύτην καταστρέφεσθαι. Ἀγαμέμνονα δ' ἐν τούτῳ τοῖς Ἀργείοις ἐπιθέμενον κρατῆσαι ῥᾳδίως, τῶν πλείστων τοῖς περὶ Διομήδη συνακολουθησάντων. μικρὸν δ' ὕστερον ἐπιπεσούσης τῆς ἐπ' Ἴλιον ἐξόδου, δείσαντα μὴ ἀπόντος αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν ἐπανελθόντες οἴκαδε οἱ περὶ τὸν Διομήδη καὶ γὰρ ἀκούεσθαι μεγάλην περὶ αὐτὸν συνεστραμμένην δύναμιν κατάσχοιεν τὴν μάλιστα προσήκουσαν αὐτοῖς ἀρχήν τὸν μὲν γὰρ Ἀδράστου τὸν δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς εἶναι κληρονόμον , ταῦτα δὴ διανοηθέντα καλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐπί τε τὴν τοῦ Ἄργους ἀπόληψιν καὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τοῦ πολέμου· τὸν μὲν οὖν Διομήδη πεισθέντα μετασχεῖν τῆς στρατείας, τὸν δὲ Ἀλκμέωνα ἀγανακτοῦντα μὴ φροντίσαι· διὰ δὲ τοῦτο μηδὲ κοινωνῆσαι τῆς στρατείας μόνους τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας τοῖς Ἕλλησι· τούτοις δ', ὡς εἰκός, τοῖς λόγοις ἐπακολουθήσαντες οἱ Ἀκαρνᾶνες σοφίσασθαι λέγονται Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὴν αὐτονομίαν παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξανύσασθαι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ μετάσχοιεν μόνοι τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς προγόνους τοὺς ἐκείνων στρατείας· οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τῷ Αἰτωλικῷ καταλόγῳ φράζοιντο οὔτε ἰδίᾳ· οὐδὲ γὰρ ὅλως τοὔνομα τοῦτ' ἐμφέροιτο ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσιν.

Ephorus denies that they joined the Trojan expedition, for he says that Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraüs, made an expedition with Diomedes and the other Epigoni, and had brought to a successful issue the war against the Thebans, and then joined Diomedes and with him took vengeance upon the enemies of Oeneus, after which he himself, first giving over Aetolia to them, {159} passed into Acarnania and subdued it; and meanwhile Agamemnon attacked the Argives and easily prevailed over them, since the most of them had accompanied the army of Diomedes; but a little later, when the expedition against Troy confronted him, he conceived the fear that, when he was absent on the expedition, Diomedes and his army might come back home (and in fact it was reported that a great army had gathered round him) and seize the empire to which they had the best right, for one {160} was the heir of Adrastus and the other {161} of his father; {162} and accordingly, after thinking this all over, Agamemnon invited them both to resume possession of Argos and to take part in the war; and although Diomedes was persuaded to take part in the expedition, Alcmaeon was vexed and refused to heed the invitation; and for this reason the Acarnanians alone refused to share in the expedition with the Greeks. And it was probably by following this account that the Acarnanians tricked the Romans, as they are said to have done, and obtained from them their autonomy, urging that they alone had had no part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans, for they were named neither in the Aetolian catalogue {163} nor separately, and in fact their name was not mentioned in the Epic poems at all.

159. Diomedes and Oeneus.

160. Diomedes.

161. Alcmaeon.

162. Amphiaraüs.

163. Hom. Il. 2.638 ff.

010.002.026

ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἔφορος πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν ἤδη τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν ὑπὸ τῷ Ἀλκμέωνι ποιήσας, τό τε Ἄργος τὸ Ἀμφιλοχικὸν ἐκείνου κτίσμα ἀποφαίνει, καὶ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν ὠνομάσθαι φησὶν ἀπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ Ἀκαρνᾶνος, Ἀμφιλόχους δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Ἀμφιλόχου· ὥστε ἐκπίπτει εἰς τὰ παρὰ τὴν ὁμηρικὴν ἱστορίαν λεγόμενα. Θουκυδίδης δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι τὸν Ἀμφίλοχον ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας τῆς Τρωικῆς ἐπανιόντα, οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενον τοῖς ἐν Ἄργει, ταύτην οἰκῆσαί φασι τὴν χώραν, οἱ μὲν κατὰ διαδοχὴν ἥκοντα τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ δυναστείας, οἱ δ' ἄλλως. καὶ ἰδίᾳ μὲν περὶ Ἀκαρνάνων ταῦτα λέγοιτ' ἄν, κοινῇ δ' ὅσα καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλικοῖς ἐπιπλέκεται νῦν ἐροῦμεν, τὰ Αἰτωλικὰ λέγοντες ἐφεξῆς ὅσα προσλαβεῖν τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἔγνωμεν.

Ephorus, then, makes Acarnania subject to Alcmaeon even before the Trojan War; and he not only declares that the Amphilochian Argos was founded by him, but also says that Acarnania was named after Alcmaeon's son Acarnan, and the Amphilochians after Alcmaeon's brother Amphilochus; therefore his account is to be cast out amongst those contrary to Homeric history. But Thucydides {164} and others say that Amphilochus, on his return from the Trojan expedition, was displeased with the state of affairs at Argos, and took up his abode in this country, some saying that he came by right of succession to the domain of his brother, others giving a different account. So much may be said of the Acarnanians specifically; I shall now speak of their history in a general way, in so far as their history is interwoven with that of the Aetolians, in so far as I have thought best to add to my previous narrative.

164. Thuc. 2.68.

010.003.001

τοὺς δὲ Κουρῆτας τῶν μὲν Ἀκαρνᾶσι τῶν δ' Αἰτωλοῖς προσνεμόντων, καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐκ Κρήτης τῶν δ' ἐξ Εὐβοίας τὸ γένος εἶναι φασκόντων, ἐπειδὴ καὶ Ὅμηρος αὐτῶν μέμνηται, τὰ παρ' ἐκείνου πρῶτον ἐπισκεπτέον. οἴονται δ' αὐτὸν λέγειν Αἰτωλοὺς μᾶλλον ἢ Ἀκαρνᾶνας, εἴπερ οἱ Πορθαονίδαι ἦσαν

Ἄγριος ἠδὲ Μέλας, τρίτατος δ' ἦν ἱππότα Οἰνεύς· ᾤκεον δ' ἐν Πλευρῶνι καὶ αἰπεινῇ Καλυδῶνι.

αὗται δ' εἰσὶν Αἰτωλικαὶ πόλεις ἀμφότεραι καὶ φέρονται ἐν τῷ Αἰτωλικῷ καταλόγῳ ὥστε, ἐπεὶ τὴν Πλευρῶνα οἰκοῦντες φαίνονται καὶ κατ' αὐτὸν οἱ Κουρῆτες, Αἰτωλοὶ ἂν εἶεν. οἱ δ' ἀντιλέγοντες τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς φράσεως παράγονται ὅταν φῇ

Κουρῆτές τ' ἐμάχοντο καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ μενεχάρμαι ἀμφὶ πόλιν Καλυδῶνα.

οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν κυρίως εἶπεν οὕτως “ἐμάχοντο Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Θηβαῖοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους” οὐδ' “Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Πελοποννήσιοι.” ἐδείχθη δ' ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν ὅτι ἐστὶ καὶ ὁμηρικὸν τὸ ἔθος τοῦτο τῆς φράσεως καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων ποιητῶν τετριμμένον· τοῦτο μὲν οὖν εὐαπολόγητον. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ λεγέτωσαν πῶς ἂν μὴ ὁμοεθνεῖς ὄντας μηδ' Αἰτωλοὺς τοὺς Πλευρωνίους ἐν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς κατέλεγεν.

As for the Curetes, some assign them to the Acarnanians, others to the Aetolians; and some assert that they originated in Crete, but others in Euboea; but since Homer mentions them, I should first investigate his account. It is thought that he means that they were Aetolians rather than Acarnanians, if indeed the sons of Porthaon wereAgrius and Melas, and, the third, Oeneus the knight;
and they lived in Pleuron and steep Calydon. {165} These are both Aetolian cities, and are referred to in the Aetolian catalogue; and therefore, since, even according to the poet, the Curetes obviously lived in Pleuron, they would be Aetolians. Those writers who oppose this view are misled by Homer's mode of expression when he says,the Curetes were fighting, and the Aetolians steadfast in battle, about the city of Calydon; {166} for, they add, neither would he have spoken appropriately if he had said, "the Boeotians and the Thebans were fighting against one another"; or "the Argives and the Peloponnesians." But, as I have shown heretofore, {167} this habit of expression not only is Homeric, but is much used by the other poets also. This interpretation, then, is easy to defend; but let those writers explain how the poet could catalogue the Pleuronians among the Aetolians if they were not Aetolians or at least of the same race.

165. Hom. Il. 14.116-17

166. Hom. Il. 9.529

167. 8. 3. 8, 10. 2. 10.

010.003.002

Ἔφορος δὲ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς εἰπὼν ἔθνος εἶναι μηδεπώποτε γεγενημένον ὑφ' ἑτέροις, ἀλλὰ πάντα τὸν μνημονευόμενον χρόνον μεμενηκὸς ἀπόρθητον διά τε τὰς δυσχωρίας τῶν τόπων καὶ διὰ τὴν περὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἄσκησιν, ἐξ ἀρχῆς μέν φησιν ἅπασαν τὴν χώραν Κουρῆτας κατασχεῖν, ἀφικομένου δ' ἐξ Ἤλιδος Αἰτωλοῦ τοῦ Ἐνδυμίωνος καὶ τοῖς πολέμοις κρατοῦντος αὐτῶν, τοὺς μὲν Κουρῆτας εἰς τὴν νῦν καλουμένην Ἀκαρνανίαν ὑποχωρῆσαι, τοὺς δ' Αἰτωλοὺς συγκατελθόντας Ἐπειοῖς τὰς ἀρχαιοτάτας κτίσαι τῶν ἐν Αἰτωλίᾳ πόλεων, δεκάτῃ δ' ὕστερον γενεᾷ τὴν Ἠλιν ὑπὸ Ὀξύλου τοῦ Αἵμονος συνοικισθῆναι περαιωθέντος ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας. παρατίθησι δὲ τούτων μαρτύρια τὰ ἐπιγράμματα, τὸ μὲν ἐν Θέρμοις τῆς Αἰτωλίας, ὅπου τὰς ἀρχαιρεσίας ποιεῖσθαι πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν, ἐγκεχαραγμένον τῇ βάσει τῆς Αἰτωλοῦ εἰκόνος

χώρης οἰκιστῆρα, παρ' Ἀλφειοῦ ποτε δίναις θρεφθέντα, σταδίων γείτον' Ὀλυμπιάδος, Ἐνδυμίωνος παῖδ' Αἰτωλὸν τόνδ' ἀνέθηκαν Αἰτωλοί, σφετέρας μνῆμ' ἀρετῆς ἐσορᾶν.

τὸ δ' ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ τῶν Ἠλείων ἐπὶ τῷ Ὀξύλου ἀνδριάντι

Αἰτωλός ποτε τόνδε λιπὼν αὐτόχθονα δῆμον κτήσατο Κουρῆτιν γῆν δορὶ πολλὰ καμών· τῆς δ' αὐτῆς γενεᾶς δεκατόσπορος Αἵμονος υἱός Ὄξυλος ἀρχαίην ἔκτισε τήνδε πόλιν.

Ephorus, {168} after saying that the Aetolians were a race which had never become subject to any other people, but throughout all time of which there is any record had remained undevastated, both because of the ruggedness of their country and because of their training in warfare, says at the outset that the Curetes held possession of the whole country, but when Aetolus, {169} the son of Endymion, arrived from Elis and overpowered them in war, the Curetes withdrew to what is now called Acarnania, whereas the Aetolians came back with Epeians and founded the earliest of the cities of Aetolia, and in the tenth generation after that Elis was settled by Oxylus {170} the son of Haemon, who had crossed over from Aetolia. And he cites as evidence of all this two inscriptions, the one at Therma in Aetolia (where it is their ancestral custom to hold their elections of magistrates), engraved on the base of the statue of Aetolus:Founder of the country, once reared beside the eddies of the Alpheius, neighbor of the race-courses of Olympia, son of Endymion, this Aetolus has been set up by the Aetolians as a memorial of his valor to behold;and the other inscription in the marketplace of the Eleians on the statue of Oxylus:Aetolus once left this autochthonous people, and through many a toil with the spear took possession of the land of Curetis; but the tenth scion of the same stock, Oxylus, the son of Haemon, founded this city in early times.

168. See Dictionary in Vol. I.

169. Cp. 8. 3. 33.

170. Cf. 8. 3. 33.

010.003.003

τὴν μὲν οὖν συγγένειαν τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους τῶν τε Ἠλείων καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ὀρθῶς ἐπισημαίνεται διὰ τῶν ἐπιγραμμάτων, ἐξομολογουμένων ἀμφοῖν οὐ τὴν συγγένειαν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἀρχηγέτας ἀλλήλων εἶναι· δι' οὗ καλῶς ἐξελέγχει ψευδομένους τοὺς φάσκοντας τῶν μὲν Αἰτωλῶν ἀποίκους εἶναι τοὺς Ἠλείους, μὴ μέντοι τῶν Ἠλείων τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. τὴν δ' ἀνομολογίαν τῆς γραφῆς καὶ τῆς ἀποφάσεως φαίνεται τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπιδεδειγμένος κἀνταῦθα ἥνπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ μαντείου τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς παρεστήσαμεν. εἰπὼν γὰρ ἀπόρθητον ἐκ τοῦ μνημονευομένου χρόνου παντὸς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν, εἰπὼν δὲ καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν χώραν ταύτην τοὺς Κουρῆτας κατασχεῖν ὤφειλε μὲν τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἀκόλουθον τοῦτο ἐπἶφέρειν, ὅτι οἱ Κουρῆτες διέμειναν ἕως εἰς αὐτὸν κατέχοντες τὴν Αἰτωλίαν γῆν· οὕτω γὰρ ἔμελλεν ἀπόρθητός τε καὶ οὐδέποτε ὑπ' ἄλλοις γεγονυῖα ὀρθῶς λεχθήσεσθαι· ὁ δ' ἐκλαθόμενος τῆς ὑποσχέσεως οὐ τοῦτ' ἐπιφέρει ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον, ὡς ἀφικομένου ἐξ Ἤλιδος Αἰτωλοῦ καὶ τοῖς πολέμοις κρατοῦντος αὐτῶν οἱ Κουρῆτες ἀπῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν· τί οὖν ἄλλο πορθήσεως ἴδιον ἢ τῷ πολέμῳ κρατηθῆναι καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐκλιπεῖν; τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα μαρτυρεῖ τὸ παρὰ τοῖς Ἠλείοις· ὁ γὰρ Αἰτωλός φησί

κτήσατο Κουρῆτιν γῆν δορὶ πολλὰ καμών.

Now through these inscriptions Ephorus correctly signifies the kinship of the Eleians and Aetolians with one another, since both inscriptions agree, not merely as to the kinship of the two peoples, but also that each people was the founder of the other, through which he successfully convicts of falsehood those who assert that, while the Eleians were indeed colonists of the Aetolians, the Aetolians were not colonists of the Eleians. But here, too, Ephorus manifestly displays the same inconsistency in his writing and his pronouncements as in the case of the oracle at Delphi, which I have already set forth; {171} for, after saying that Aetolia has been undevastated throughout all times of which there is any record, and after saying also that in the beginning the Curetes held possession of this country, he should have added as a corollary to what he had already said that the Curetes continued to hold possession of the Aetolian land down to his own time, for only thus could it have been rightly said that the land had been undevastated and that it had never come under the power of others; and yet, utterly forgetting his promise, {172} he does not add this, but the contrary, that when Aetolus arrived from Elis and overpowered the Curetes in war, they withdrew into Acarnania. What else, pray, is specifically characteristic of a devastation than being overpowered in war and abandoning the country? And this is evidenced also by the inscription among the Eleians, for Aetolus, it says,through many a toil with the spear took possession of the land of Curetis.

171. 9. 3. 11.

172. See 9. 3. 11.

010.003.004

ἴσως δή τις ἂν φαίη λέγειν αὐτὸν ἀπόρθητον τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἀφ' οὗ τοὔνομα τοῦτ' ἔσχε μετὰ τὴν Αἰτωλοῦ παρουσίαν· ἀλλ' ἀφῄρηται καὶ τούτοὖ τοῦ νοήματος τὸν λόγον, φήσας ἐν τοῖς ἐφεξῆς τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον τοῦ λαοῦ τοῦ διαμένοντος ἐν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τοῦτο εἶναι τὸ τῶν Ἐπειῶν, συμμιχθέντων δ' αὐτοῖς ὕστερον Αἰολέων τῶν ἅμα Βοιωτοῖς ἐκ Θετταλίας ἀναστάντων κοινῇ μετὰ τούτων τὴν χώραν κατασχεῖν. ἆρ' οὖν ἔστι πιστὸν χωρὶς πολέμου τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν ἐπελθόντας συγκατανείμασθαι τοῖς ἔχουσι μηδὲν δεομένοις κοινωνίας τοιαύτης; ἢ τοῦτο μὲν οὐ πιστόν, τὸ δὲ κρατουμένοις τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐπ' ἴσοις συμβῆναι πιστόν; τί οὖν ἄλλο πόρθησις ἢ τὸ κρατεῖσθαι τοῖς ὅπλοις; καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρος δ' εἴρηκεν ἐκ τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐπελθόντας Ὕαντας ἱστορεῖσθαι καὶ ἐποίκους τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς γενομένους· ὁ δ' ὥσπερ κατωρθωκὼς ἐπιλέγει διότι ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα διακριβοῦν εἰώθαμεν, ὅταν ᾗ τι τῶν πραγμάτων ἢ παντελῶς ἀπορούμενον ἢ ψευδῆ δόξαν ἔχον.

Perhaps, however, one might say that Ephorus means that Aetolia was undevastated from the time when it got this name, that is, after Aetolus arrived there; but Ephorus has deprived himself of the argument in support of this idea by saying in his next words that this, meaning the tribe of the Epeians, constituted the greatest part of the people who stayed on among the Aetolians, but that later, when Aeolians, who at the same time with Boeotians had been compelled to migrate from Thessaly, were intermingled with them, they in common with these held possession of the country. Is it credible, pray, that without war they invaded the country of a different people and divided it up with its possessors, when the latter had no need of such a partnership? Or, since this is not credible, is it credible that those who were overpowered by arms came out on an equality with the victors? What else, pray, is devastation than being overpowered by arms? Apollodorus, also, says that, according to history, the Hyantes left Boeotia and settled among the Aetolians. But Ephorus, as though he had achieved success in his argument, adds: "It is my wont to examine such matters as these with precision, whenever any matter is either altogether doubtful or falsely interpreted."

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τοιοῦτος δ' ὢν Ἔφορος ἑτέρων ὅμως κρείττων ἐστί· καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ἐσπουδασμένως οὕτως ἐπαινέσας αὐτὸν Πολύβιος καὶ φήσας περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν καλῶς μὲν Εὔδοξον, κάλλιστα δ' Ἔφορον ἐξηγεῖσθαι περὶ κτίσεων συγγενειῶν μεταναστάσεων ἀρχηγετῶν, ἡμεῖς δέ φησί τὰ νῦν ὄντα δηλώσομεν καὶ περὶ θέσεως τόπων καὶ διαστημάτων· τοῦτο γάρ ἐστιν οἰκειότατον χωρογραφίᾳ. ἀλλὰ μὴν σύ γε, ὦ Πολύβιε, ὁ τὰς λαοδογματικὰς ἀποφάσεις περὶ τῶν διαστημάτων εἰσάγων οὐκ ἐν τοῖς ἔξω τῆς Ἑλλάδος μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς, καὶ διδοῖς εὐθύνας τὰς μὲν Ποσειδωνίῳ τὰς δ' Ἀρτεμιδώρῳ τὰς δ' ἄλλοις πλείοσι. καὶ ἡμῖν οὖν συγγνώμην . . . καὶ οὐ δυσχεραίνειν δεῖ παρὰ τῶν τοιούτων μεταφέρουσι τὴν πολλὴν ἱστορίαν ἐάν τι πταίωμεν, ἀλλ' ἀγαπᾶν ἐὰν τὰ πλείω τῶν εἰρημένων ἑτέροις ἄμεινον λέγωμεν ἢ τὰ παραλειφθέντα κατ' ἄγνοιαν προστιθῶμεν.

But though Ephorus is such, still he is better than others. And Polybius {173} himself, who praises him so earnestly, and says concerning the Greek histories that Eudoxus {174} indeed gave a good account, but Ephorus gave the best account of the foundings of cities, kinships, migrations, and original founders, "but I," he says, shall show the facts as they now are, as regards both the position of places and the distances between them; for this is the most appropriate function of Chorography. {175} But assuredly you, Polybius, who introduce "popular notions" {176} concerning distances, not only in dealing with places outside of Greece, but also when treating Greece itself, must also submit to an accounting, not only to Poseidonius, {177} and to Apollodorus, but to several others as well. One should therefore pardon me as well, and not be vexed, if I make any mistakes when I borrow from such writers most of my historical material, but should rather be content if in the majority of cases I improve upon the accounts given by others, or if I add such facts as have elsewhere, owing to lack of knowledge, been left untold.

173. Polybius 34 Fr. 1

174. Eudoxus of Cnidus (fl. about 350 B.C.

175. Polybius Book 34, Fr. 1

176. See 2. 4. 2 and 7. 5. 9

177. Cf. 2. 3. 1 ff. and 2. 4. 3 ff.

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περὶ δὲ Κουρήτων ἔτι καὶ τοιαῦτα λέγεται, τὰ μὲν ἐγγυτέρω ὄντα τῆς περὶ Αἰτωλῶν καὶ Ἀκαρνάνων ἱστορίας τὰ δ' ἀπωτέρω· ἐγγυτέρω μὲν τὰ τοιαῦτα οἷα προείρηται, ὅτι τὴν χώραν ἣ νῦν Αἰτωλία καλεῖται Κουρῆτες ᾤκουν, ἐλθόντες δ' οἱ Αἰτωλοὶ μετὰ Αἰτωλοῦ τούτους ἐξέβαλον εἰς τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν· καὶ ἔτι τὰ τοιαῦτα, ὅτι τὴν Πλευρωνίαν ὑπὸ Κουρήτων οἰκουμένην καὶ Κουρῆτιν προσαγορευομένην Αἰολεῖς ἐπελθόντες ἀφείλοντο, τοὺς δὲ κατέχοντας ἐξέβαλον. Ἀρχέμαχος δ' ὁ Εὐβοεύς φησι τοὺς Κουρῆτας ἐν Χαλκίδι συνοικῆσαι, συνεχῶς δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ληλάντου πεδίου πολεμοῦντας, ἐπειδὴ οἱ πολέμιοι τῆς κόμης ἐδράττοντο τῆς ἔμπροσθεν καὶ κατέσπων αὐτούς, ὄπισθεν κομῶντας γενέσθαι, τὰ δ' ἔμπροσθεν κείρεσθαι· διὸ καὶ Κουρῆτας ἀπὸ τῆς κουρᾶς κληθῆναι· μετοικῆσαι δ' εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν, καὶ κατασχόντας τὰ περὶ Πλευρῶνα χωρία τοὺς πέραν οἰκοῦντας τοῦ Ἀχελώου διὰ τὸ ἀκούρους φυλάττειν τὰς κεφαλὰς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καλέσαι· ἔνιοι δ' ἀπὸ ἥρωος τοὔνομα σχεῖν ἑκάτερον τὸ φῦλον· οἱ δ' ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρους τοῦ Κουρίου τοὺς Κουρῆτας ὀνομασθῆναι τοῦ ὑπερκειμένου τῆς Πλευρῶνος, εἶναί τε φῦλόν τι Αἰτωλικὸν τοῦτο, ὡς Ὀφιεῖς καὶ Ἀγραίους καὶ Εὐρυτᾶνας καὶ ἄλλα πλείω. ὡς δ' εἴρηται, τῆς Αἰτωλίας δίχα διῃρημένης τὰ μὲν περὶ Καλυδῶνα τὸν Οἰνέα ἔχειν φασί, τῆς δὲ Πλευρωνίας μέρος μέν τι καὶ τοὺς Πορθαονίδας ἔχειν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄγριον, εἴπερ

ᾤκεον ἐν Πλευρῶνι καὶ αἰπεινῇ Καλυδῶνι.

ἐπικρατεῖν μέντοι Θέστιον τῆς Πλευρωνίας, τὸν πενθερὸν τοῦ Οἰνέως Ἀλθαίας δὲ πατέρα, ἡγούμενον τῶν Κουρήτων· πολέμου δ' ἐμπεσόντος τοῖς Θεστιάδαις πρὸς Οἰνέα καὶ Μελέαγρον, ὡς μὲν ὁ ποιητής

ἀμφὶ συὸς κεφαλῇ καὶ δέρματ

κατὰ τὴν περὶ τοῦ κάπρου μυθολογίαν, ὡς δὲ τὸ εἰκὸς περὶ μέρος τῆς χώρας, οὕτω δὴ λέγεται

Κουρῆτές τ' ἐμάχοντο καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ μενεχάρμαι.

ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐγγυτέρω.

Concerning the Curetes still further accounts, to the following effect, are given, some of them being more closely related to the history of the Aetolians and the Acarnanians, others more remotely. More closely related are such accounts as I have given before--that the Curetes were living in the country which is now called Aetolia, and that the Aetolians came with Aetolus and drove them into Acarnania; and also accounts of this kind, that, when Pleuronia was inhabited by the Curetes and was called Curetis, Aeolians made an invasion and took it away from them, and drove out its occupants. Archemachus the Euboean {178} says that the Curetes settled at Chalcis, but since they were continually at war for the Lelantine Plain and the enemy would catch them by the front hair and drag them down, he says, they let their hair grow long behind but cut short the part in front, and because of this they were called "Curetes," from the cut of their hair, {179} and they then migrated to Aetolia, and, after taking possession of the region round Pleuron, called the people who lived on the far side of the Acheloüs "Acarnanians," because they kept their heads "unshorn." {180} But some say that each of the two tribes got its name from a hero; others, that the Curetes were named after the mountain Curium, which is situated about Pleuron, and also that this is an Aetolian tribe, like the Ophians and the Agraeans and the Eurytanians and several others. But, as I have already stated, {181} when Aetolia was divided into two parts, the region round Calydon, they say, was in the possession of Oeneus, whereas a certain part of Pleuronia was in the possession of the sons of Porthaon, that is, Agrius and his followers, if it be true thatthey lived in Pleuron and steep Calydon; {182} the mastery over Pleuronia, however, was held by Thestius (the father-in-law of Oeneus and father of Althaea), who was leader of the Curetes; but when war broke out between the sons of Thestius, on the one hand, and Oeneus and Meleager, on the other (about the hog's head and skin, {183} as the poet says, following the mythical story of the boar, {184} but in all probability about the possession of a part of the territory), according to the words of the poet,the Curetes were fighting, as also the Aetolians steadfast in battle. {185} So much for the accounts which are more closely related.

178. Archemachus (fl. not later than the third century B.C.) wrote works (now lost) on the History of Euboea and Metonymies (Change of Names).

179. "Cura." From this passage one might identify the "Curetes" with the "Abantes" (see 10. 1. 3), whom Homer speaks of as "letting their hair grow long behind" (Hom. Il. 2.542). According to a scholium (on Iliad l. c.), the Euboeans wore their hair long behind "for the sake of manly strength." The Greeks in general, however, let their hair grow long all over the head in Trojan times, being often referred to by Homer as the "long-haired Achaeans."

180. The Greek adjective used is ἀκούρους ("acurus").

181. 10. 2. 3, 22.

182. Hom. Il. 14.116

183. Hom. Il. 9.548

184. Known in mythology as "the Calydonian boar."

185. Hom. Il. 9.529

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τὰ δ' ἀπωτέρω τῆς ὑποθέσεως ταύτης, ἄλλως δὲ διὰ τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν εἰς ταὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν ἱστορικῶν ἀγόμενα, ἅπερ Κουρητικὰ μὲν καὶ περὶ Κουρήτων λέγεται, ὁμοίως ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν τὴν Αἰτωλίαν καὶ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν οἰκησάντων, ἐκείνων μὲν διαφέρει, ἔοικε δὲ μᾶλλον τῷ περὶ Σατύρων καὶ Σειληνῶν καὶ Βακχῶν καὶ Τιτύρων λόγῳ· τοιούτους γάρ τινας δαίμονας ἢ προπόλους θεῶν τοὺς Κουρῆτάς φασιν οἱ παραδόντες τὰ Κρητικὰ καὶ τὰ Φρύγια, ἱερουργίαις τισὶν ἐμπεπλεγμένα ταῖς μὲν μυστικαῖς ταῖς δ' ἄλλαις περί τε τὴν τοῦ Διὸς παιδοτροφίαν τὴν ἐν Κρήτῃ καὶ τοὺς τῆς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν ὀργιασμοὺς ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ἴδην τὴν Τρωικὴν τόποις. τοσαύτη δ' ἐστὶν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τούτοις ποικιλία, τῶν μὲν τοὺς αὐτοὺς τοῖς Κουρῆσι τοὺς Κορύβαντας καὶ Καβείρους καὶ Ἰδαίους δακτύλους καὶ Τελχῖνας ἀποφαινόντων, τῶν δὲ συγγενεῖς ἀλλήλων καὶ μικράς τινας αὐτῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφορὰς διαστελλομένων, ὡς δὲ τύπῳ εἰπεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλέον, ἅπαντας ἐνθουσιαστικούς τινας καὶ βακχικοὺς καὶ ἐνοπλίῳ κινήσει μετὰ θορύβου καὶ ψόφου καὶ κυμβάλων καὶ τυμπάνων καὶ ὅπλων, ἔτι δ' αὐλοῦ καὶ βοῆς ἐκπλήττοντας κατὰ τὰς ἱερουργίας ἐν σχήματι διακόνων, ὥςτε καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τρόπον τινὰ κοινοποιεῖσθαι ταῦτά τε καὶ τῶν Σαμοθρᾴκων καὶ τὰ ἐν Λήμνῳ καὶ ἄλλα πλείω διὰ τὸ τοὺς προπόλους λέγεσθαι τοὺς αὐτούς. ἔστι μὲν οὖν θεολογικὸς πᾶς ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος τῆς ἐπισκέψεως καὶ οὐκ ἀλλότριος τῆς τοῦ φιλοσόφου θεωρίας.

The accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the present subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the names, brought into the same connection by the historians--I mean those accounts which, although they are called "Curetan History" and "History of the Curetes," just as if they were the history of those Curetes who lived in Aetolia and Acarnania, not only are different from that history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni, Bacchae, and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these, are called genii or ministers of gods by those who have handed down to us the Cretan and the Phrygian traditions, which are interwoven with certain sacred rites, some mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the child Zeus {186} in Crete and in part with the orgies in honor of the mother of the gods which are celebrated in Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida. But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas some represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the Idaean Dactyli, and the Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them as all kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small matters in which they differ in respect to one another; but, roughly speaking and in general, they represent them, one and all, as a kind of inspired people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy, and, in the guise of ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of the sacred rites by means of war-dances, accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and drums and arms, and also by flute and outcry; and consequently these rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I mean these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and in several other places, because the divine ministers are called the same. However, every investigation of this kind pertains to theology, and is not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher.

186. 10. 3. 11.

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ἐπεὶ δὲ δι' ὁμωνυμίαν τῶν Κουρήτων καὶ οἱ ἱστορικοὶ συνήγαγον εἰς ἓν τὰ ἀνόμοια, οὐδ' ἂν αὐτὸς ὀκνήσαιμ' ἂν εἰπεῖν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ πλέον ἐν παραβάσει, προσθεὶς τὸν οἰκεῖον τῇ ἱστορίᾳ φυσικὸν λόγον. καίτοι τινὲς καὶ συνοικειοῦν βούλονται ταῦτ' ἐκείνοις, καὶ τυχὸν ἴσως ἔχονταί τινος πιθανοῦ· θηλυστολοῦντας γὰρ ὡς αἱ κόραι τοὔνομα σχεῖν τοῦτο τοὺς περὶ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν φασίν· εἶναι γὰρ καί τινα τοιοῦτον ζῆλον ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι, καὶ Ἰάονας ἑλκεχίτωνας εἰρῆσθαι, καὶ τοὺς περὶ Λεωνίδαν κτενιζομένους, ὅτ' ἐξῄεσαν εἰς τὴν μάχην, καταφρονηθῆναι λέγουσιν ὑπὸ τῶν Περσῶν, ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ θαυμασθῆναι. ἁπλῶς δ' ἡ περὶ τὰς κόμας φιλοτεχνία συνέστηκε περί τε θρέψιν καὶ κουρὰν τριχός, ἄμφω δὲ κόραις καὶ κόροις ἐστὶν οἰκεῖα, ὥστε πλεοναχῶς τὸ ἐτυμολογεῖν τοὺς Κουρῆτας ἐν εὐπόρῳ κεῖται. εἰκὸς δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐνόπλιον ὄρχησιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἠσκημένων οὕτω περὶ κόμην καὶ στολὴν πρῶτον εἰσαχθεῖσαν, ἐκείνων Κουρήτων καλουμένων, παρασχεῖν πρόφασιν καὶ τοῖς στρατιωτικωτέροις ἑτέρων καὶ τὸν βίον ἐνόπλιον ἔχουσιν, ὥσθ' ὁμωνύμως καὶ αὐτοὺς Κουρῆτας λεχθῆναι, τοὺς ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ λέγω καὶ Αἰτωλίᾳ καὶ Ἀκαρνανίᾳ. καὶ Ὅμηρος δὲ τοὺς νέους στρατιώτας οὕτω προσηγόρευσε

κρινάμενος κούρητας ἀριστῆας Παναχαιῶν, δῶρα θοῆς παρὰ νηὸς ἐνεγκεῖν, ὅσς' Ἀχιλῆι χθιζοὶ ὑπέστημεν

καὶ πάλιν

δῶρα φέρον κούρητες Ἀχαιοί.

περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς τῶν Κουρήτων ἐτυμολογίας ταῦτα. ἡ δὲ ἐνόπλιος ὄρχησις στρατιωτική, καὶ ἡ πυρρίχη δηλοῖ καὶ ὁ Πύρριχος, ὅν φασιν εὑρετὴν εἶναι τῆς τοιαύτης ἀσκήσεως τῶν νέων καὶ τὰ στρατιωτικά.

But since also the historians, because of the identity of name of the Curetes, have classed together things that are unlike, neither should I myself shrink from discussing them at greater length, by way of digression, adding such account of their physical habits as is appropriate to history. And yet some historians even wish to assimilate their physical habits with those others, and perhaps there is something plausible in their undertaking. For instance, they say that the Curetes of Aetolia got this name because, like "girls," {187} they wore women's clothes, for, they add, there was a fashion of this kind among the Greeks, and the Ionians were called "tunic-trailing," {188} and the soldiers of Leonidas were "dressing their hair" {189} when they were to go forth to battle, so that the Persians, it is said, conceived a contempt for them, though in the battle they marvelled at them. Speaking generally, the art of caring for the hair consists both in its nurture and in the way it is cut, and both are given special attention by "girls" and "youths"; {190} so that there are several ways in which it is easy to derive an etymology of the word "Curetes." It is reasonable to suppose, also, that the war-dance was first introduced by persons who were trained in this particular way in the matter of hair and dress, these being called Curetes, and that this dance afforded a pretext to those also who were more warlike than the rest and spent their life under arms, so that they too came to be called by the same name, "Curetes "--I mean the Curetes in Euboea, Aetolia, and Acarnania. And indeed Homer applied this name to young soldiers,choose thou the noblest young men {191} from all the Achaeans, and bring the gifts from the swift ship, all that we promised yesterday to Achilles"; {192} and again,the young men of the Achaeans brought the gifts. {193} So much for the etymology of the word "Curetes." The war-dance was a soldiers' dance; and this is plainly indicated both by the "Pyrrhic dance," {194} and by "Pyrrichus," who is said to be the founder of this kind of training for young men, as also by the treatises on military affairs. {195}

187. "Corai" (see footnote on "girls" and "youths," p. 91).

188. e.g., Hom. Il. 13.685.

189. Hdt. 7.208, 209.

190. "Corai" and "Coroi." But the corresponding Homeric forms (κοῦροι, κοῦραι) yield English "Curae" and "Curoe"; and Strabo evidently had those forms in mind (see note on 10. 3. 11).

191. "Curetes."

192. Hom. Il. 19.193

193. Hom. Il. 19.248

194. "The Pyrrhic dance of our time seems to be a sort of Dionysiac dance, being more respectable than that of early times, for the dancers have thyrsi instead of spears, and hurl them at one another, and carry fennel-stalks and torches" (Athenaeus 14.631b).

195. Or, following the conjecture of Kramer (see critical note), we should have, instead of but . . . affairs," simply in the work of a soldier."

010.003.009

τὸ δ' εἰς ἓν συμφέρεσθαι τὰ τοσαῦτα ὀνόματα καὶ τὴν ἐνοῦσαν θεολογίαν ἐν τῇ περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίᾳ νῦν ἐπισκεπτέον. κοινὸν δὴ τοῦτο καὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐστὶ τὸ τὰς ἱεροποιίας μετὰ ἀνέσεως ἑορταστικῆς ποιεῖσθαι, τὰς μὲν σὺν ἐνθουσιασμῷ τὰς δὲ χωρίς, καὶ τὰς μὲν μετὰ μουσικῆς τὰς δὲ μή, καὶ τὰς μὲν μυστικῶς τὰς δὲ ἐν φανερῷ· καὶ τοῦθ' ἡ φύσις οὕτως ὑπαγορεύει. ἥ τε γὰρ ἄνεσις τὸν νοῦν ἀπάγει ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθρωπικῶν ἀσχολημάτων, τὸν δὲ ὄντως νοῦν τρέπει πρὸς τὸ θεῖον· ὅ τε ἐνθουσιασμὸς ἐπίπνευσίν τινα θείαν ἔχειν δοκεῖ καὶ τῷ μαντικῷ γένει πλησιάζειν· ἥ τε κρύψις ἡ μυστικὴ τῶν ἱερῶν σεμνοποιεῖ τὸ θεῖον, μιμουμένη τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ φεύγουσαν ἡμῶν τὴν αἴσθησιν· ἥ τε μουσικὴ περί τε ὄρχησιν οὖσα καὶ ῥυθμὸν καὶ μέλος ἡδονῇ τε ἅμα καὶ καλλιτεχνίᾳ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἡμᾶς συνάπτει κατὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. εὖ μὲν γὰρ εἴρηται καὶ τοῦτο, τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τότε μάλιστα μιμεῖσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς ὅταν εὐεργετῶσιν· ἄμεινον δ' ἂν λέγοι τις, ὅταν εὐδαιμονῶσι· τοιοῦτον δὲ τὸ χαίρειν καὶ τὸ ἑορτάζειν καὶ τὸ φιλοσοφεῖν καὶ μουσικῆς ἅπτεσθαι· μὴ γὰρ εἴ τις ἔκπτωσις πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον γἐγένηται, τῶν μουσικῶν εἰς ἡδυπαθείας τρεπόντων τὰς τέχνας ἐν τοῖς συμποσίοις καὶ θυμέλαις καὶ σκηναῖς καὶ ἄλλοις τοιούτοις, διαβαλλέσθω τὸ πρᾶγμα, ἀλλ' ἡ φύσις ἡ τῶν παιδευμάτων ἐξεταζέσθω τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνθένδε ἔχουσα.

But I must now investigate how it comes about that so many names have been used of one and the same thing, and the theological element contained in their history. Now this is common both to the Greeks and to the barbarians, to perform their sacred rites in connection with the relaxation of a festival, these rites being performed sometimes with religious frenzy, sometimes without it; sometimes with music, sometimes not; and sometimes in secret, sometimes openly. And it is in accordance with the dictates of nature that this should be so, for, in the first place, the relaxation draws the mind away from human occupations and turns the real mind towards that which is divine; and, secondly, the religious frenzy seems to afford a kind of divine inspiration and to be very like that of the soothsayer; and, thirdly, the secrecy with which the sacred rites are concealed induces reverence for the divine, since it imitates the nature of the divine, which is to avoid being perceived by our human senses; and, fourthly, music, which includes dancing as well as rhythm and melody, at the same time, by the delight it affords and by its artistic beauty, brings us in touch with the divine, and this for the following reason; for although it has been well said that human beings then act most like the gods when they are doing good to others, yet one might better say, when they are happy; and such happiness consists of rejoicing, celebrating festivals, pursuing philosophy, and engaging in music; for, if music is perverted when musicians turn their art to sensual delights at symposiums and in orchestric and scenic performances and the like, we should not lay the blame upon music itself, but should rather examine the nature of our system of education, since this is based on music.

010.003.010

καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μουσικὴν ἐκάλεσε Πλάτων καὶ ἔτι πρότερον οἱ Πυθαγόρειοι τὴν φιλοσοφίαν, καὶ καθ' ἁρμονίαν τὸν κόσμον συνεστάναι φασί, πᾶν τὸ μουσικὸν εἶδος θεῶν ἔργον ὑπολαμβάνοντες. οὕτω δὲ καὶ αἱ Μοῦσαι θεαὶ καὶ Ἀπόλλων μουσηγέτης καὶ ἡ ποιητικὴ πᾶσα ὑμνητική. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν ἠθῶν κατασκευὴν τῇ μουσικῇ προσνέμουσιν, ὡς πᾶν τὸ ἐπανορθωτικὸν τοῦ νοῦ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐγγὺς ὄν. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἕλληνες οἱ πλεῖστοι τῷ Διονύσῳ προσέθεσαν καὶ τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ Ἑκάτῃ καὶ ταῖς Μούσαις καὶ Δήμητρι, νὴ Δία, τὸ ὀργιαστικὸν πᾶν καὶ τὸ βακχικὸν καὶ τὸ χορικὸν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς τελετὰς μυστικόν, Ἴακχόν τε καὶ τὸν Διόνυσον καλοῦσι καὶ τὸν ἀρχηγέτην τῶν μυστηρίων, τῆς Δήμητρος δαίμονα· δενδροφορίαι τε καὶ χορεῖαι καὶ τελεταὶ κοιναὶ τῶν θεῶν εἰσι τούτων· αἱ δὲ Μοῦσαι καὶ ὁ Ἀπόλλων αἱ μὲν τῶν χορῶν προεστᾶσιν ὁ δὲ καὶ τούτων καὶ τῶν κατὰ μαντικήν· πρόπολοι δὲ τῶν Μουσῶν οἱ πεπαιδευμένοι πάντες, καὶ ἰδίως οἱ μουσικοί, τοῦ δ' Ἀπόλλωνος οὗτοί τε καὶ οἱ περὶ μαντικήν, Δήμητρος δὲ οἵ τε μύσται καὶ δᾳδοῦχοι καὶ ἱεροφάνται, Διονύσου δὲ Σειληνοί τε καὶ Σάτυροι καὶ Τίτυροι καὶ Βάκχαι, Λῆναί τε καὶ Θυῖαι καὶ Μιμαλλόνες καὶ Ναΐδες καὶ Νύμφαι προσαγορευόμεναι.

And on this account Plato, and even before his time the Pythagoreians, called philosophy music; {196} and they say that the universe is constituted in accordance with harmony, {197} assuming that every form of music is the work of the gods. And in this sense, also, the Muses are goddesses, and Apollo is leader of the Muses, and poetry as a whole is laudatory of the gods. And by the same course of reasoning they also attribute to music the upbuilding of morals, believing that everything which tends to correct the mind is close to the gods. Now most of the Greeks assigned to Dionysus, Apollo, Hecate, the Muses, and above all to Demeter, everything of an orgiastic or Bacchic or choral nature, as well as the mystic element in initiations; and they give the name "Iacchus" not only to Dionysus but also to the leader-in-chief of the mysteries, who is the genius of Demeter. And branch-bearing, choral dancing, and initiations are common elements in the worship of these gods. As for the Muses and Apollo, the Muses preside over the choruses, whereas Apollo presides both over these and the rites of divination. But all educated men, and especially the musicians, are ministers of the Muses; and both these and those who have to do with divination are ministers of Apollo; and the initiated and torch-bearers and hierophants, of Demeter; and the Sileni and Satyri and Bacchae, and also the Lenae and Thyiae and Mimallones and Naïdes and Nymphae and the beings called Tityri, of Dionysus.

196. Plat. Phaedo 61.

197. Philolaus, Fr. 4 (Stobaeus 1. 458-460). See also Athenaeus 14.632b-c Aristot. Met. 1.5, Sextus Empiricus Adv. Math. 4.6. Cp. Plat. Tim. 32c, 36d, 37a, 41b, Plat. Rep. 617b, Plat. Epin. 991e.

010.003.011

ἐν δὲ τῇ Κρήτῃ καὶ ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοῦ Διὸς ἱερὰ ἰδίως ἐπετελεῖτο μετ' ὀργιασμοῦ καὶ τοιούτων προπόλων οἷοι περὶ τὸν Διόνυσόν εἰσιν οἱ Σάτυροι· τούτους δ' ὠνόμαζον Κουρῆτας, νέους τινὰς ἐνόπλιον κίνησιν μετ' ὀρχήσεως ἀποδιδόντας, προστησάμενοι μῦθον τὸν περὶ τῆς τοῦ Διὸς γενέσεως, ἐν ᾧ τὸν μὲν Κρόνον εἰσάγουσιν εἰθισμένον καταπίνειν τὰ τέκνα ἀπὸ τῆς γενέσεως εὐθύς, τὴν δὲ Ῥέαν πειρωμένην ἐπικρύπτεσθαι τὰς ὠδῖνας καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν βρέφος ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖν καὶ περισώζειν εἰς δύναμιν, πρὸς δὲ τοῦτο συνεργοὺς λαβεῖν τοὺς Κουρῆτας, οἳ μετὰ τυμπάνων καὶ τοιούτων ἄλλων ψόφων καὶ ἐνοπλίου χορείας καὶ θορύβου περιέποντες τὴν θεὸν ἐκπλήξειν ἔμελλον τὸν Κρόνον καὶ λήσειν ὑποσπάσαντες αὐτοῦ τὸν παῖδα, τῇ δ' αὐτῇ ἐπιμελείᾳ καὶ τρεφόμενον ὑπ' αὐτῶν παραδίδοσθαι· ὥσθ' οἱ Κουρῆτες ἤτοι διὰ τὸ νέοι καὶ κόροι ὄντες ὑπουργεῖν ἢ διὰ τὸ κουροτροφεῖν τὸν Δία λέγεται γὰρ ἀμφοτέρως ταύτης ἠξιώθησαν τῆς προσηγορίας, οἱονεὶ Σάτυροί τινες ὄντες περὶ τὸν Δία. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἕλληνες τοιοῦτοι περὶ τοὺς ὀργιασμούς.

In Crete, not only these rites, but in particular those sacred to Zeus, were performed along with orgiastic worship and with the kind of ministers who were in the service of Dionysus, I mean the Satyri. These ministers they called "Curetes," young men who executed movements in armour, accompanied by dancing, as they set forth the mythical story of the birth of Zeus; in this they introduced Cronus as accustomed to swallow his children immediately after their birth, and Rhea as trying to keep her travail secret and, when the child was born, to get it out of the way and save its life by every means in her power; and to accomplish this it is said that she took as helpers the Curetes, who, by surrounding the goddess with tambourines and similar noisy instruments and with war-dance and uproar, were supposed to strike terror into Cronus and without his knowledge to steal his child away; and that, according to tradition, Zeus was actually reared by them with the same diligence; consequently the Curetes, either because, being young, that is "youths," {198} they performed this service, or because they "reared" Zeus "in his youth" {199} (for both explanations are given), were accorded this appellation, as if they were Satyrs, so to speak, in the service of Zeus. Such, then, were the Greeks in the matter of orgiastic worship.

198. "Coroi" (see note on "youths," 10. 3. 8).

199. "Curo-trophein," to "rear youth."

010.003.012

οἱ δὲ Βερέκυντες Φρυγῶν τι φῦλον καὶ ἁπλῶς οἱ Φρύγες καὶ τῶν Τρώων οἱ περὶ τὴν Ἴδην κατοικοῦντες Ῥέαν μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ τιμῶσι καὶ ὀργιάζουσι ταύτῃ, μητέρα καλοῦντες θεῶν καὶ Ἄγδιστιν καὶ Φρυγίαν θεὸν μεγάλην, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν τόπων Ἰδαίαν καὶ Δινδυμήνην καὶ Σιπυληνὴν καὶ Πεσσινουντίδα καὶ Κυβέλην καὶ Κυβήβην. οἱ δ' Ἕλληνες τοὺς προπόλους αὐτῆς ὁμωνύμως Κουρῆτας λέγουσιν, οὐ μήν γε ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς μυθοποιίας, ἀλλ' ἑτέρους ὡς ἂν ὑπουργούς τινας, τοῖς Σατύροις ἀνὰ λόγον· τοὺς δ' αὐτοὺς καὶ Κορύβαντας καλοῦσι.

But as for the Berecyntes, {200} a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those of the Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in honor and worship her with orgies, calling her Mother of the gods and Agdistis and Phrygia the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she is worshipped, Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele and Cybebe. {201} The Greeks use the same name "Curetes" for the ministers of the goddess, not taking the name, however, from the same mythical story, {202} but regarding them as a different set of "Curetes," helpers as it were, analogous to the Satyri; and the same they also call Corybantes.

200. See 12. 8. 21.

201. i.e., from Mt. Ida, Mt. Dindymum (12. 5. 3), Mt. Sipylus, Pessinus (l.c.), and Mt. Cybela (l.c.), and Cybeba. Cf. Diod. Sic. 3.58), who spells the next to last name "Cybelum."

202. The story of the Cretan Curetes.

010.003.013

μάρτυρες δ' οἱ ποιηταὶ τῶν τοιούτων ὑπονοιῶν· ὅ τε γὰρ Πίνδαρος ἐν τῷ διθυράμβῳ οὗ ἡ ἀρχή

πρὶν μὲν εἷρπε σχοινοτένεια τ' ἀοιδὰ διθυράμβων,

μνησθεὶς τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ὕμνων τῶν τε παλαιῶν καὶ τῶν ὕστερον, μεταβὰς ἀπὸ τούτων φησί

σοὶ μὲν κατάρχειν, μᾶτερ μεγάλα, πάρα ῥόμβοι κυμβάλων, ἐν δὲ κεχλάδειν κρόταλ', αἰθομένα τε δᾲς ὑπὸ ξανθαῖσι πεύκαις,

τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ἀποδειχθέντων νομίμων παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι καὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς Φρυξὶ περὶ τὴν μητέρα τῶν θεῶν συνοικειῶν ἀλλήλοις. Εὐριπίδης τε ἐν ταῖς Βάκχαις τὰ παραπλήσια ποιεῖ, τοῖς Φρυγίοις ἅμα καὶ τὰ Λύδια συμφέρων διὰ τὸ ὅμορον

ἀλλ' ὦ λιποῦσαι Τμῶλον, ἔρυμα Λυδίας, θίασος ἐμὸς γυναῖκες, ἃς ἐκ βαρβάρων ἐκόμισα παρέδρους καὶ ξυνεμπόρους ἐμοί, αἴρεσθε τἀπιχώρι' ἐν πόλει Φρυγῶν τύμπανα, Ῥέας τε μητρὸς ἐμά θ' εὑρήματ

καὶ πάλιν

ὦ μάκαρ, ὅστις εὐδαίμων τελετὰς θεῶν εἰδώς, βιοτὰν ἁγιστεύει. τά τε ματρὸς μεγάλας ὄργια Κυβέλας θεμιστεύων ἀνὰ θύρσον τε τινάσσων, κισσῷ τἐ στεφανωθεὶς Διόνυσον θεραπεύει. ἴτε Βάκχαι, ἴτε Βάκχαι, βρόμιον παῖδα θεὸν θεοῦ Διόνυσον κατάγουσαι Φρυγίων ἐξ ὀρέων Ἑλλάδος εἰς εὐρυχόρους ἀγυιάς.

πάλιν δ' ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς καὶ τὰ Κρητικὰ συμπλέκει τούτοις

ὦ θαλάμευμα Κουρήτων, ζάθεοί τε Κρήτας διογενέτορες ἔναυλοι, ἔνθα τρικόρυθες ἄντροις βυρσότονον κύκλωμα τόδε μοι Κορύβαντες εὗρον. ἀνὰ δὲ βακχεῖα συντόνῳ κέρασαν ἁδυβόᾳ Φρυγίων αὐλῶν πνεύματι, ματρός τε Ῥέας εἰς χέρα θῆκαν κτύπον εὐάσμασι Βακχᾶν, παρὰ δὲ μαινόμενοι Σάτυροι ματέρος ἐξανύσαντο Ῥέας. εἰς δὲ χορεύματα προσῆψαν τριετηρίδων, αἷς χαίρει Διόνυσος.

καὶ ἐν Παλαμήδει φησὶν ὁ χορός

Θύσαν Διονύσου κόραν, ὃς ἀν' Ἴδαν τέρπεται σὺν ματρὶ φίλᾳ τυμπάνων ἐπ' ἰακχαῖς.

The poets bear witness to such views as I have suggested. For instance, when Pindar, in the dithyramb which begins with these words,In earlier times there marched {203} the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out,mentions the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus, both the ancient and the later ones, and then, passing on from these, says,To perform the prelude in thy honor, great Mother, the whirling of cymbals is at hand, and among them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the torch that blazeth beneath the tawny pine-trees,he bears witness to the common relationship between the rites exhibited in the worship of Dionysus among the Greeks and those in the worship of the Mother of the gods among the Phrygians, for he makes these rites closely akin to one another. And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae, citing the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia, because of their similarity:But ye who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia, revel-band of mine, women whom I brought from the land of barbarians as my assistants and travelling companions, uplift the tambourines native to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and mother Rhea. {204} And again,happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic rites, is pure in his life, . . . who, preserving the righteous orgies of the great mother Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high, and wreathed with ivy, doth worship Dionysus. Come, ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae, bringing down {205} Bromius, {206} god the child of god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of Greece. {207} And again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages also with the Phrygian:O thou hiding-bower {208} of the Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to Zeus, where for me {209} the triple-crested {210} Corybantes {211} in their caverns invented this hide-stretched circlet, {212} and blent its Bacchic revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding breath of Phrygian flutes, and in Rhea's hands placed its resounding noise, to accompany the shouts of the Bacchae, {213} and from Mother Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it and joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides, {214} in whom Dionysus takes delight. {215} And in the Palamedes the Chorus says, {216} Thysa, daughter of Dionysus, who on Ida rejoices with his dear mother in the Iacchic revels of tambourines.

203. Or perhaps "was drawled" (sc. from the lips of men; see Bergk, or Pind. Fr. 79 (Sandys)). Roberts (Dio. Hal. On Literary Composition 14) translates the verb "crept in" and Sandys (l.c.) "flowed."

204. Eur. Ba. 55

205. The verb is also used in the sense of "bringing back home," and in the above case might be construed as a double entente.

206. i.e., "Boisterous" one.

207. Eur. Ba. 72

208. Where Zeus was hid.

209. The leader of the Chorus is spokesman of the chorus, and hence of all the Greeks.

210. Referring to the triple rim of their helmets (cp. the triple crown of the Pope).

211. Name of the Phrygian priests of Cybele.

212. i.e., the tambourine.

213. They shouted "ev-ah!" (εὖα; cf. Lat. ovatio), as the Greek word shows.

214. "Triennial Festivals."

215. Eur. Ba. 120

216. The reading and metrical arrangement of this corrupt passage is that of Nauck, Fr. 586.

010.003.014

καὶ Σειληνὸν καὶ Μαρσύαν καὶ Ὄλυμπον συνάγοντες εἰς ἓν καὶ εὑρετὰς αὐλῶν ἱστοροῦντες πάλιν καὶ οὕτως τὰ Διονυσιακὰ καὶ Φρύγια εἰς ἓν συμφέρουσι, τήν τε Ἴδην καὶ τὸν Ὄλυμπον συγκεχυμένως πολλάκις ὡς τὸ αὐτὸ ὄρος κτυποῦσιν. εἰσὶ μὲν οὖν λόφοι τέτταρες Ὄλυμποι καλούμενοι τῆς Ἴδης κατὰ τὴν Ἀντανδρίαν, ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὁ Μυσὸς Ὄλυμπος, ὅμορος μὲν οὐχ ὁ αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ Ἴδῃ. ὁ δ' οὖν Σοφοκλῆς ποιήσας τὸν Μενέλαον ἐκ τῆς Τροίας ἀπαίρειν σπεύδοντα ἐν τῇ Πολυξένῃ, τὸν δ' Ἀγαμέμνονα μικρὸν ὑπολειφθῆναι βουλόμενον τοῦ ἐξιλάσασθαι τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν χάριν, εἰσάγει λέγοντα τὸν Μενέλαον

σὺ δ' αὖθι μίμνων που κατ' Ἰδαίαν χθόνα ποίμνας Ὀλύμπου συναγαγὼν θυηπόλει.

And when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and Olympus into one and the same connection, and make them the historical inventors of flutes, they again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the Phrygian rites; and they often in a confused manner drum on {217} Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks of Ida called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian Olympus, which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate, Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as in haste to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain behind for a short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces Menelaüs as saying,But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean land collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice. {218}

217. "Drum on" is an effort to reproduce in English Strabo's word-play.

218. Soph. Fr. 47.9 (Nauck)

010.003.015

τῷ δ' αὐλῷ καὶ κτύπῳ κροτάλων τε καὶ κυμβάλων καὶ τυμπάνων καὶ ταῖς ἐπιβοήσεσι καὶ εὐασμοῖς καὶ ποδοκρουστίαις οἰκεῖα ἐξεύροντο καί τινα τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἃ τοὺς προπόλους καὶ χορευτὰς καὶ θεραπευτὰς τῶν ἱερῶν ἐκάλουν, Καβείρους καὶ Κορύβαντας καὶ Πᾶνας καὶ Σατύρους καὶ Τιτύρους καὶ τὸν θεὸν Βάκχον καὶ τὴν Ῥέαν Κυβέλην καὶ Κυβήβην καὶ Δινδυμήνην κατὰ τοὺς τόπους αὐτούς. καὶ ὁ Σαβάζιος δὲ τῶν Φρυγιακῶν ἐστι καὶ τρόπον τινὰ τῆς μητρὸς τὸ παιδίον παραδοὺς τὰ τοῦ Διονύσου καὶ αὐτός.

They invented names appropriate to the flute, and to the noises made by castanets, cymbals, and drums, and to their acclamations and shouts of "ev-ah," and stampings of the feet; {219} and they also invented some of the names by which to designate the ministers, choral dancers, and attendants upon the sacred rites, I mean "Cabeiri" and "Corybantes" and "Pans" and "Satyri" and "Tityri," and they called the god "Bacchus," and Rhea "Cybele" or "Cybebe" or "Dindymene" according to the places where she was worshipped. Sabazius also belongs to the Phrygian group and in a way is the child of the Mother, since he too transmitted the rites of Dionysus. {220}

219. Cp. end of section 17 following.

220. Cp. end of section18 following.

010.003.016

τούτοις δ' ἔοικε καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς Θρᾳξὶ τά τε Κοτύττια καὶ τὰ Βενδίδεια, παρ' οἷς καὶ τὰ Ὀρφικὰ τὴν καταρχὴν ἔσχε. τῆς μὲν οὖν Κότυος τῆς ἐν τοῖς Ἠδωνοῖς Αἰσχύλος μέμνηται καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὴν ὀργάνων. εἰπὼν γάρ

σεμνὰ Κότυς ἐν τοῖς Ἠδωνοῖς ὄρεια δ' ὄργαν' ἔχοντες,

τοὺς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον εὐθέως ἐπιφέρει

ὁ μὲν ἐν χερσὶν βόμβυκας ἔχων, τόρνου κάματον, δακτυλόδικτον πίμπλησι μέλος, μανίας ἐπαγωγὸν ὁμοκλάν· ὁ δὲ χαλκοδέτοις κοτύλαις ὀτοβεῖ.

καὶ πάλιν

ψαλμὸς δ' ἀλαλάζει· ταυρόφθογγοι δ' ὑπομυκῶνται ποθὲν ἐξ ἀφανοῦς φοβεροὶ μῖμοι, τυπάνου δ' εἰκὼν ὥσθ' ὑπογαίου βροντῆς φέρεται βαρυταρβής.

ταῦτα γὰρ ἔοικε τοῖς Φρυγίοις· καὶ οὐκ ἀπεικός γε, ὥσπερ αὐτοὶ οἱ Φρύγες Θρᾳκῶν ἄποικοί εἰσιν, οὕτω καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἐκεῖθεν μετενηνέχθαι. καὶ τὸν Διόνυσον δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἠδωνὸν Λυκοῦργον συνάγοντες εἰς ἓν τὴν ὁμοιοτροπίαν τῶν ἱερῶν αἰνίττονται.

Also resembling these rites are the Cotytian and the Bendideian rites practiced among the Thracians, among whom the Orphic rites had their beginning. Now the Cotys who is worshipped among the Edonians, and also the instruments used in her rites, are mentioned by Aeschylus; for he says,O adorable Cotys among the Edonians, and ye who hold mountain-ranging {221} instruments;and he mentions immediately afterwards the attendants of Dionysus:one, holding in his hands the bombyces, {222} toilsome work of the turner's chisel, fills full the fingered melody, the call that brings on frenzy, while another causes to resound the bronze-bound cotylae {223} and again,stringed instruments raise their shrill cry, and frightful mimickers from some place unseen bellow like bulls, and the semblance {224} of drums, as of subterranean thunder, rolls along, a terrifying sound;for these rites resemble the Phrygian rites, and it is at least not unlikely that, just as the Phrygians themselves were colonists from Thrace, so also their sacred rites were borrowed from there. Also when they identify Dionysus and the Edonian Lycurgus, they hint at the homogeneity of their sacred rites.

221. The instruments, like those who play them (cp. sections 19 and 23 following), are boldly referred to as "mountain-ranging."

222. A kind of reed-flute.

223. Literally "cups"; hence, a kind of cymbal.

224. In connection with this bold use of "semblance" (εἰκών) by Aeschylus, note Strabo's studied use of "resembles" (ἔοικε, twice in this paragraph) and "unlikely" (ἀπεικός). Others either translate εἰκών "echo," or omit the thought.

010.003.017

ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ μέλους καὶ τοῦ ῥυθμοῦ καὶ τῶν ὀργάνων καὶ ἡ μουσικὴ πᾶσα Θρᾳκία καὶ Ἀσιᾶτις νενόμισται. δῆλον δ' ἔκ τε τῶν τόπων ἐν οἷς αἱ Μοῦσαι τετίμηνται· Πιερία γὰρ καὶ Ὄλυμπος καὶ Πίμπλα καὶ Λείβηθρον τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν Θρᾴκια χωρία καὶ ὄρη, νῦν δὲ ἔχουσι Μακεδόνες· τόν τε Ἑλικῶνα καθιέρωσαν ταῖς Μούσαις Θρᾷκες οἱ τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἐποικήσαντες, οἵπερ καὶ τὸ τῶν Λειβηθριάδων νυμφῶν ἄντρον καθιέρωσαν. οἵ τ' ἐπιμεληθέντες τῆς ἀρχαίας μουσικῆς Θρᾷκες λέγονται, Ὀρφεύς τε καὶ Μουσαῖος καὶ Θάμυρις, καὶ τῷ Εὐμόλπῳ δὲ τοὔνομα ἐνθένδε, καὶ οἱ τῷ Διονύσῳ τὴν Ἀσίαν ὅλην καθιερώσαντες μέχρι τῆς Ἰνδικῆς ἐκεῖθεν καὶ τὴν πολλὴν μουσικὴν μεταφέρουσι· καὶ ὁ μέν τίς φησιν “κιθάραν Ἀσιᾶτιν ῥάσσων,” ὁ δὲ τοὺς αὐλοὺς Βερεκυντίους καλεῖ καὶ Φρυγίους· καὶ τῶν ὀργάνων ἔνια βαρβάρως ὠνόμασται νάβλας καὶ σαμβύκη καὶ βάρβιτος καὶ μαγάδις καὶ ἄλλα πλείω.

From its melody and rhythm and instruments, all Thracian music has been considered to be Asiatic. And this is clear, first, from the places where the Muses have been worshipped, for Pieria and Olympus and Pimpla and Leibethrum were in ancient times Thracian places and mountains, though they are now held by the Macedonians; and again, Helicon was consecrated to the Muses by the Thracians who settled in Boeotia, the same who consecrated the cave of the nymphs called Leibethrides. And again, those who devoted their attention to the music of early times are called Thracians, I mean Orpheus, Musaeus, and Thamyris; and Eumolpus, {225} too, got his name from there. And those writers who have consecrated the whole of Asia, as far as India, to Dionysus, derive the greater part of music from there. And one writer says, "striking the Asiatic cithara"; another calls flutes "Berecyntian" and "Phrygian"; and some of the instruments have been called by barbarian names, "nablas," "sambyce," "barbitos," "magadis," and several others.

225. "Sweet-singer.

010.003.018

Ἀθηναῖοι δ' ὥσπερ περὶ τὰ ἄλλα φιλοξενοῦντες διατελοῦσιν, οὕτω καὶ περὶ τοὺς θεούς. πολλὰ γὰρ τῶν ξενικῶν ἱερῶν παρεδέξαντο ὥστε καὶ ἐκωμῳδήθησαν· καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ Θρᾴκια καὶ τὰ Φρύγια. τῶν μὲν γὰρ Βενδιδείων Πλάτων μέμνηται, τῶν δὲ Φρυγίων Δημοσθένης διαβάλλων τὴν Αἰσχίνου μητέρα καὶ αὐτὸν ὡς τελούσῃ τῇ μητρὶ συνόντα καὶ συνθιασεύοντα καὶ ἐπιφθεγγόμενον “εὐοῖ σαβο” πολλάκις καὶ “ὕης ἄττης ἄττης ὕης.” ταῦτα γάρ ἐστι σαβάζια καὶ μητρῷα.

Just as in all other respects the Athenians continue to be hospitable to things foreign, so also in their worship of the gods; for they welcomed so many of the foreign rites that they were ridiculed therefore by comic writers; and among these were the Thracian and Phrygian rites. For instance, the Bendideian rites are mentioned by Plato, {226} and the Phrygian by Demosthenes, {227} when he casts the reproach upon Aeschines' mother and Aeschines himself that he was with her when she conducted initiations, that he joined her in leading the Dionysiac march, and that many a time he cried out "evoe saboe," and "hyes attes, attes hyes"; for these words are in the ritual of Sabazius and the Mother.

226. Plat. Rep. 1.327, 2.354.

227. Dem. 18.313.

010.003.019

ἔτι δ' ἄν τις καὶ ταῦτα ἑὕροἶ περὶ τῶν δαιμόνων τούτων καὶ τῆς τῶν ὀνομάτων ποικιλίας, καὶ ὅτι οὐ πρόπολοι θεῶν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ θεοὶ προσηγορεύθησαν. Ἡσίοδος μὲν γὰρ Ἑκατέρου καὶ τῆς Φορωνέως θυγατρὸς πέντε γενέσθαι θυγατέρας φησίν

ἐξ ὧν οὔρειαι Νύμφαι θεαὶ ἐξἐγένοντο, καὶ γένος οὐτιδανῶν Σατύρων καὶ ἀμηχανοεργῶν, Κουρῆτές τε θεοὶ φιλοπαίγμονες ὀρχηστῆρες.

ὁ δὲ τὴν Φορωνίδα γράψας αὐλητὰς καὶ Φρύγας τοὺς Κουρῆτας λέγει, ἄλλοι δὲ γηγενεῖς καὶ χαλκάσπιδας· οἱ δ' οὐ τοὺς Κουρῆτας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς Κορύβαντας Φρύγας, ἐκείνους δὲ Κρῆτας, περιθέσθαι δ' ὅπλα χαλκᾶ πρώτους ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ· διὸ καὶ Χαλκιδέας αὐτοὺς κληθῆναι· οἱ δ' ὑπὸ Τιτάνων Ῥέᾳ δοθῆναι προπόλους ἐνόπλους τοὺς Κορύβαντας ἐκ τῆς Βακτριανῆς ἀφιγμένους, οἱ δ' ἐκ Κόλχων φασίν. ἐν δὲ τοῖς Κρητικοῖς λόγοις οἱ Κουρῆτες Διὸς τροφεῖς λέγονται καὶ φύλακες, εἰς Κρήτην ἐκ Φρυγίας μεταπεμφθέντες ὑπὸ τῆς Ῥέας· οἱ δὲ Τελχίνων ἐν Ῥόδῳ ἐννέα ὄντων τοὺς Ῥέᾳ συνακολουθήσαντας εἰς Κρήτην καὶ τὸν Δία κουροτροφήσαντας Κουρῆτας ὀνομασθῆναι· Κύρβαντα δὲ τούτων ἑταῖρον Ἱεραπύτνης ὄντα κτίστην παρὰ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις παρασχεῖν πρόφασιν τοῖς Πρασίοις ὥστε λέγειν, ὡς εἶεν Κορύβαντες δαίμονές τινες Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Ἡλίου παῖδες. ἔτι δὲ Κρόνου τινές, ἄλλοι δὲ Διὸς καὶ Καλλιόπης φασὶ τοὺς Κορύβαντας τοὺς αὐτοὺς τοῖς Καβείροις ὄντας, ἀπελθεῖν δὲ τούτους εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην καλουμένην πρότερον Μελίτην, τὰς δὲ πράξεις αὐτῶν μυστικὰς εἶναι.

Further, one might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these genii and their various names, that they were called, not only ministers of gods, but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five daughters were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,from whom sprang the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses, and the breed of Satyrs, creatures worthless and unfit for work, and also the Curetes, sportive gods, dancers. {228} And the author of Phoronis {229} speaks of the Curetes as "flute-players" and "Phrygians"; and others as "earth-born" and "wearing brazen shields." Some call the Corybantes, and not the Curetes, "Phrygians," but the Curetes "Cretes," {230} and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen armour in Euboea, and that on this account they were also called "Chalcidians"; {231} still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana (some say from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers to Rhea by the Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are called "rearers of Zeus," and "protectors of Zeus," having been summoned from Phrygia to Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine Telchines {232} who lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete and "reared" Zeus "in his youth" {233} were named "Curetes"; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who was the founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the Prasians {234} for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain genii, sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes sons of Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus and Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these went off to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and that their rites were mystical.

228. Hes. Fr. 198 (Rzach)

229. Hellanicus of Lesbos (fl. about 430 B.C.).

230. "Cretans."

231. "Chalc" means "brazen."

232. See 14. 2. 7.

233. See 10. 3. 11.

234. See 10. 4. 12.

010.003.020

ταῦτα δ' οὐκ ἀποδεξάμενος ὁ Σκήψιος ὁ τοὺς μύθους συναγαγὼν τούτους, ὡς μηδενὸς ἐν Σαμοθρᾴκῃ μυστικοῦ λόγου περὶ Καβείρων λεγομένου, παρατίθησιν ὁμοίως καὶ Στησιμβρότου τοῦ Θασίου δόξαν, ὡς τὰ ἐν Σαμοθρᾴκῃ ἱερὰ τοῖς Καβείροις ἐπιτελοῖτο· καλεῖσθαι δέ φησιν αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖνος ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρους τοῦ ἐν τῇ Βερεκυντίᾳ Καβείρου. οἱ δ' Ἑκάτης προπόλους νομίζουσι τοὺς Κουρῆτας τοὺς αὐτοὺς τοῖς Κορύβασιν ὄντας. φησὶ δὲ πάλιν ὁ Σκήψιος ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ τὰς τῆς Ῥέας τιμὰς μὴ νομίζεσθαι μηδὲ ἐπιχωριάζειν, ὑπεναντιούμενος τῷ τοῦ Εὐριπίδου λόγῳ, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ μόνον καὶ τῇ Τρῳάδι, τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας μυθολογεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ ἱστορεῖν, πρὸς τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν τόπων ὁμωνυμίαν συμπρᾶξαι τυχὸν ἴσως αὐτοῖς· Ἴδη γὰρ τὸ ὄρος τό τε Τρωικὸν καὶ τὸ Κρητικόν, καὶ Δίκτη τόπος ἐν τῇ Σκηψίᾳ καὶ ὄρος ἐν Κρήτῃ· τῆς δὲ Ἴδης λόφος Πύτνα . . . ἀφ' οὗ Ἱεράπυτνα ἡ πόλις, Ἱπποκόρωνά τε τῆς Ἀδραμυττηνῆς καὶ Ἱπποκορώνιον ἐν Κρήτῃ, Σαμώνιόν τε τὸ ἑωθινὸν ἀκρωτήριον τῆς νήσου καὶ πεδίον ἐν τῇ Νεανδρίδι καὶ τῇ Ἀλεξανδρέων.

But though the Scepsian, {235} who compiled these myths, does not accept the last statement, on the ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in Samothrace, still he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian {236} that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of the Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri after the mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that the Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers of Hecate. But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of Euripides, {237} that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in Crete, but only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say otherwise are dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the identity of the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For instance, Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and Dicte is a place in Scepsia {238} and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city Hierapytna {239} was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And Samonium is the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the territory of Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians. {240}

235. Demetrius of Scepsis.

236. Fl. about 460 B.C.; only fragments of his works are extant.

237. Quoted in 10. 3. 13.

238. 13. 1. 51.

239. In Crete.

240. See 13. 1. 47.

010.003.021

Ἀκουσίλαος δ' ὁ Ἀργεῖος ἐκ Καβειροῦς καὶ Ἡφαίστου Κάμιλλον λέγει, τοῦ δὲ τρεῖς Καβείρους, ὧν νύμφας Καβειρίδας· Φερεκύδης δ' ἐξ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ Ῥητίας Κύρβαντας ἐννέα, οἰκῆσαι δ' αὐτοὺς ἐν Σαμοθρᾴκῃ· ἐκ δὲ Καβειροῦς τῆς Πρωτέως καὶ Ἡφαίστου Καβείρους τρεῖς καὶ νύμφας τρεῖς Καβειρίδας, ἑκατέροις δ' ἱερὰ γίνεσθαι. μάλιστα μὲν οὖν ἐν Ἴμβρῳ καὶ Λήμνῳ τοὺς Καβείρους τιμᾶσθαι συμβέβηκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν Τροίᾳ κατὰ πόλεις· τὰ δ' ὀνόματα αὐτῶν ἐστι μυστικά. Ἡρόδοτος δὲ καὶ ἐν Μέμφει λέγει τῶν Καβείρων ἱερὰ καθάπερ καὶ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου, διαφθεῖραι δ' αὐτὰ Καμβύσην. ἔστι δ' ἀοίκητα τὰ χωρία τῆς τῶν δαιμόνων τούτων τιμῆς, τό τε Κορυβαντεῖον τὸ ἐν τῇ Ἁμαξιτίᾳ τῆς νῦν Ἀλεξανδρέων χώρας ἐγγὺς τοῦ Σμινθίου, καὶ ἡ Κορύβισσα ἐν τῇ Σκηψίᾳ περὶ ποταμὸν Εὐρήεντα καὶ κώμην ὁμώνυμον καὶ ἔτι χείμαρρον Αἰθαλόεντα. πιθανὸν δέ φησιν ὁ Σκήψιος, Κουρῆτας μὲν καὶ Κορύβαντας εἶναι τοὺς αὐτούς, οἳ περὶ τὰς τῆς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν ἁγιστείας πρὸς ἐνόπλιον ὄρχησιν ᾔθεοι καὶ κόροι τυγχάνουσι παρειλημμένοι. καὶ Κορύβαντες δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ κορύπτοντας βαίνειν ὀρχηστικῶς, οὓς καὶ βητάρμονας λέγει ὁ ποιητής

δεῦτ' ἄγε Φαιήκων βητάρμονες, ὅσσοι ἄριστοι.

τῶν δὲ Κορυβάντων ὀρχηστικῶν καὶ ἐνθουσιαστικῶν ὄντων καὶ τοὺς μανικῶς κινουμένους κορυβαντιᾶν φαμεν.

Acusilaüs, {241} the Argive, calls Cadmilus the son of Cabeiro and Hephaestus, and Cadmilus the father of three Cabeiri, and these the fathers of the nymphs called Cabeirides. Pherecydes {242} says that nine Cyrbantes were sprung from Apollo and Rhetia, and that they took up their abode in Samothrace; and that three Cabeiri and three nymphs called Cabeirides were the children of Cabeiro, the daughter of Proteus, and Hephaestus, and that sacred rites were instituted in honor of each triad. Now it has so happened that the Cabeiri are most honored in Imbros and Lemnos, but they are also honored in separate cities of the Troad; their names, however, are kept secret. Herodotus {243} says that there were temples of the Cabeiri in Memphis, as also of Hephaestus, but that Cambyses destroyed them. The places where these deities were worshipped are uninhabited, both the Corybanteium in Hamaxitia in the territory now belonging to the Alexandreians near Sminthium, {244} and Corybissa in Scepsia in the neighborhood of the river Eurëeis and of the village which bears the same name and also of the winter torrent Aethalöeis. The Scepsian says that it is probable that the Curetes and the Corybantes were the same, being those who had been accepted as young men, or "youths," for the war-dance in connection with the holy rites of the Mother of the gods, and also as "corybantes" from the fact that they "walked with a butting of their heads" in a dancing way. {245} These are called by the poet "betarmones": {246} Come now, all ye that are the best 'betarmones' of the Phaeacians. {247} And because the Corybantes are inclined to dancing and to religious frenzy, we say of those who are stirred with frenzy that they are "corybantising."

241. Acusilaüs (fl. fifth century B.C.) wrote works entitled History and Genealogies. Only fragments remain.

242. Pherecydes (fl. in the fifth century B.C.) wrote a mythological and historical work in ten books. Only fragments remain.

243. Hdt. 3.37.

244. 13. 1. 48.

245. i.e., "Cory-bant-es" is here derived from the two verbs "coryptein" ("butt with the head") and "bainein" ("walk" or "go").

246. "Harmony-walkers."

247. Hom. Od. 8.250

010.003.022

Δακτύλους δ' Ἰδαίους φασί τινες κεκλῆσθαι τοὺς πρώτους οἰκήτορας τῆς κατὰ τὴν Ἴδην ὑπωρείας· πόδας μὲν γὰρ λέγεσθαι τὰς ὑπωρείας, κορυφὰς δὲ τὰ ἄκρα τῶν ὀρῶν· αἱ οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐσχατιαὶ καὶ πᾶσαι τῆς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν ἱεραὶ περὶ τὴν Ἴδην . . . Σοφοκλῆς δὲ οἴεται πέντε τοὺς πρώτους ἄρσενας γενέσθαι, οἳ σίδηρόν τε ἐξεῦρον καὶ εἰργάσαντο πρῶτοι καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον χρησίμων, πέντε δὲ καὶ ἀδελφὰς τούτων, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ δακτύλους κληθῆναι. ἄλλοι δ' ἄλλως μυθεύουσιν ἀπόροις ἄπορα συνάπτοντες, διαφόροις δὲ καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασι καὶ τοῖς ἀριθμοῖς χρῶνται, ὧν Κέλμιν ὀνομάζουσί τινα καὶ Δαμναμενέα καὶ Ἡρακλέα καὶ Ἄκμονα· καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπιχωρίους τῆς Ἴδης οἱ δὲ ἐποίκους, πάντες δὲ σίδηρον εἰργάσθαι ὑπὸ τούτων ἐν Ἴδῃ πρῶτόν φασι, πάντες δὲ καὶ γόητας ὑπειλήφασι καὶ περὶ τὴν μητέρα τῶν θεῶν καὶ ἐν Φρυγίᾳ ᾠκηκότας περὶ τὴν Ἴδην, Φρυγίαν τὴν Τρῳάδα καλοῦντες διὰ τὸ τοὺς Φρύγας ἐπικρατῆσαι πλησιοχώρους ὄντας τῆς Τροίας ἐκπεπορθημένης. ὑπονοοῦσι δὲ τῶν Ἰδαίων δακτύλων ἐκγόνους εἶναι τούς τε Κουρῆτας καὶ τοὺς Κορύβαντας· τοὺς γοῦν πρώτους γεννηθέντας ἐν Κρήτῃ ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας Ἰδαίους δακτύλους κληθῆναι, τούτων δ' ἀπογόνους φασὶ Κουρῆτας ἐννέα γενέσθαι, τούτων δ' ἕκαστον δέκα παῖδας τεκνῶσαι τοὺς Ἰδαίους καλουμένους δακτύλους.

Some writers say that the name "Idaean Dactyli" was given to the first settlers of the lower slopes of Mt. Ida, for the lower slopes of mountains are called "feet," and the summits "heads"; accordingly, the several extremities of Ida (all of which are sacred to the Mother of the gods) were called Dactyli. {248} Sophocles {249} thinks that the first male Dactyli were five in number, who were the first to discover and to work iron, as well as many other things which are useful for the purposes of life, and that their sisters were five in number, and that they were called Dactyli from their number. But different writers tell the myth in different ways, joining difficulty to difficulty; and both the names and numbers they use are different; and they name one of them "Celmis" and others "Damnameneus" and "Heracles" and "Acmon." Some call them natives of Ida, others settlers; but all agree that iron was first worked by these on Ida; and all have assumed that they were wizards and attendants of the Mother of the gods, and that they lived in Phrygia about Ida; and they use the term Phrygia for the Troad because, after Troy was sacked, the Phrygians, whose territory bordered on the Troad, got the mastery over it. And they suspect that both the Curetes and the Corybantes were offspring of the Idaean Dactyli; at any rate, the first hundred men born in Crete were called Idaean Dactyli, they say, and as offspring of these were born nine Curetes, and each of these begot ten children who were called Idaean Dactyli.

248. "Dactyli" means either "fingers" or "toes."

249. Soph. Cophi Satyri Fr. 337 (Nauck).

010.003.023

προήχθημεν δὲ διὰ πλειόνων εἰπεῖν περὶ τούτων καίπερ ἥκιστα φιλομυθοῦντες, ὅτι τοῦ θεολογικοῦ γένους ἐφάπτεται τὰ πράγματα ταῦτα. πᾶς δὲ ὁ περὶ τῶν θεῶν λόγος ἀρχαίας ἐξετάζει δόξας καὶ μύθους, αἰνιττομένων τῶν παλαιῶν ἃς εἶχον ἐννοίας φυσικὰς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ προστιθέντων ἀεὶ τοῖς λόγοις τὸν μῦθον. ἅπαντα μὲν οὖν τὰ αἰνίγματα λύειν ἐπ' ἀκριβὲς οὐ ῥᾴδιον, τοῦ δὲ πλήθους τῶν μυθευομένων ἐκτεθέντος εἰς τὸ μέσον, τῶν μὲν ὁμολογούντων ἀλλήλοις τῶν δ' ἐναντιουμένων, εὐπορώτερον ἄν τις δύναιτο εἰκάζειν ἐξ αὐτῶν τἀληθές· οἷον τὰς ὀρειβασίας τῶν περὶ τὸ θεῖον σπουδαζόντων καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν καὶ τοὺς ἐνθουσιασμοὺς εἰκότως μυθεύουσι κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν καθ' ἣν καὶ οὐρανίους νομίζουσι τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ προνοητικοὺς τῶν τε ἄλλων καὶ τῶν προσημασιῶν· τῇ μὲν οὖν ὀρειβασίᾳ τὸ μεταλλευτικὸν καὶ τὸ θηρευτικὸν καἶ ζητητικὸν τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον χρησίμων ἐφάνη συγγενές, τῶν δ' ἐνθουσιασμῶν καὶ θρησκείας καὶ μαντικῆς τὸ ἀγυρτικὸν καὶ γοητεία ἐγγύς. τοιοῦτον δὲ καὶ τὸ φιλότεχνον μάλιστα τὸ περὶ τὰς Διονυσιακὰς τέχνας καὶ τὰς Ὀρφικάς. ἀλλ' ἀπόχρη περὶ αὐτῶν.

I have been led on to discuss these people rather at length, although I am not in the least fond of myths, because the facts in their case border on the province of theology. And theology as a whole must examine early opinions and myths, since the ancients expressed enigmatically the physical notions which they entertained concerning the facts and always added the mythical element to their accounts. Now it is not easy to solve with accuracy all the enigmas, but if the multitude of myths be set before us, some agreeing and others contradicting one another, one might be able more readily to conjecture out of them what the truth is. For instance, men probably speak in their myths about the "mountain-roaming" of religious zealots and of gods themselves, and about their "religious frenzies," for the same reason that they are prompted to believe that the gods dwell in the skies and show forethought, among their other interests, for prognostication by signs. Now seeking for metals, and hunting, and searching for the things that are useful for the purposes of life, are manifestly closely related to mountain-roaming, whereas juggling and magic are closely related to religious frenzies, worship, and divination. And such also is devotion to the arts, in particular to the Dionysiac and Orphic arts. But enough on this subject.

010.004.001

ἐπεὶ δὲ πρῶτον περὶ τῶν τῆς Πελοποννήσου νήσων τῶν τε ἄλλων διῆλθον καὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ Κορινθιακῷ κόλπῳ καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ, περὶ τῆς Κρήτης ἐφεξῆς ῥητέον καὶ γὰρ αὕτη τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἐστί καὶ εἴ τις περὶ τὴν Κρήτην· ἐν δὲ ταύταις αἵ τε Κυκλάδες εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ Σποράδες, αἱ μὲν ἄξιαι μνήμης αἱ δ' ἀσημότεραι.

Since I have already described the islands of the Peloponnesus in detail, not only the others, but also those in the Corinthian Gulf and those in front of it, I must next discuss Crete (for it, too, belongs to the Peloponnesus) and any islands that are in the neighborhood of Crete. Among these are the Cyclades and the Sporades, some worthy of mention, others of less significance.

010.004.002

νυνὶ δὲ περὶ τῆς Κρήτης πρῶτον λέγωμεν. Εὔδοξος μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Αἰγαίῳ φησὶν αὐτὴν ἱδρῦσθαι· δεῖ δὲ μὴ οὕτως, ἀλλὰ κεῖσθαι μὲν μεταξὺ τῆς Κυρηναίας καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τῆς ἀπὸ Σουνίου μέχρι τῆς Λακωνικῆς, ἐπὶ μῆκος ταύταις ταῖς χώραις παράλληλον ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω· κλύζεσθαι δὲ ἀπὸ μὲν τῶν ἄρκτων τῷ Αἰγαίῳ πελάγει καὶ τῷ Κρητικῷ, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ νότου τῷ Λιβυκῷ τῷ συνάπτοντι πρὸς τὸ Αἰγύπτιον πέλαγος. τῶν δὲ ἄκρων τὸ μὲν ἑσπέριόν ἐστι τὸ περὶ Φαλάσαρνα, πλάτος ἔχον διακοσίων που σταδίων καὶ εἰς δύο ἀκρωτήρια μεριζόμενον ὧν τὸ μὲν νότιον καλεῖται Κριοῦ μέτωπον τὸ δ' ἀρκτικὸν Κίμαρος , τὸ δ' ἑῷον τὸ Σαμώνιόν ἐστιν ὑπερπῖπτον τοῦ Σουνίου οὐ πολὺ πρὸς ἕω.

But at present let me first discuss Crete. {250} Now although Eudoxus says that it is situated in the Aegaean Sea, one should not so state, but rather that it lies between Cyrenaea and that part of Greece which extends from Sunium to Laconia, stretching lengthwise parallel with these countries from west to east, and that it is washed on the north by the Aegaean and the Cretan Seas, and on the south by the Libyan Sea, which borders on the Aegyptian. As for its two extremities, the western is in the neighborhood of Phalasarna; it has a breadth of about two hundred stadia and is divided into two promontories (of these the southern is called Criumetopon, {251} the northern Cimarus), whereas the eastern is Samonium, which falls toward the east not much farther than Sunium.

250. For map of Crete, see Insert in Map VIII at end of Loeb Vol. IV.

251. "Ram's Forehead."

010.004.003

μέγεθος δὲ Σωσικράτης μέν, ὅν φησιν ἀκριβοῦν Ἀπολλόδωρος τὰ περὶ τὴν νῆσον, ἀφορίζεται μήκει μὲν πλειόνων ἢ δισχιλίων σταδίων καὶ τριακοσίων, πλάτει δὲ ὑπὸ τὸ μέγεθος, ὥσθ' ὁ κύκλος κατὰ τοῦτον γίνοιτ' ἂν πλέον ἢ πεντακισχίλιοι στάδιοι· Ἀρτεμίδωρος δὲ τετρακισχιλίους καὶ ἑκατόν φησιν. Ἱερώνυμος δὲ μῆκος δισχιλίων φήσας τὸ δὲ πλάτος ἀνώμαλον, πλειόνων ἂν εἴη λέγων τὸν κύκλον ἢ ὅσων Ἀρτεμίδωρος. κατὰ δὲ τὸ τρίτον μέρος τοῦ μήκους. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . τὸ δὲ ἔνθεν ἰσθμός ἐστιν ὡς ἑκατὸν σταδίων ἔχων κατοικίαν πρὸς μὲν τῇ βορείῳ θαλάττῃ Ἀμφίμαλλαν, πρὸς δὲ τῇ νοτίῳ Φοίνικα τὸν Λαμπέων· πλατυτάτη δὲ κατὰ τὸ μέσον ἐστί, πάλιν δ' ἐντεῦθεν εἰς στενώτερον τοῦ προτέρου συμπίπτουσιν ἰσθμὸν αἱ ᾐόνες περὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων, τὸν ἀπὸ Μινῴας τῆς Λυττίων εἰς Ἱεράπυτναν καὶ τὸ Λιβυκὸν πέλαγος· ἐν κόλπῳ δ' ἐστὶν ἡ πόλις. εἶτα πρόεισιν εἰς ὀξὺ ἀκρωτήριον τὸ Σαμώνιον ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον νεῦον καὶ τὰς Ῥοδίων νήσους.

As for its size, Sosicrates, whose account of the island, according to Apollodorus, is exact, defines it as follows: In length, more than two thousand three hundred stadia, and in breadth, . . . , {252} so that its circuit, according to him, would amount to more than five thousand stadia; but Artemidorus says it is four thousand one hundred. Hieronymus {253} says that its length is two thousand stadia and its breadth irregular, and therefore might mean that the circuit is greater than Artemidorus says. For about a third of its length . . . ; {254} and then comes an isthmus of about one hundred stadia, which, on the northern sea, has a settlement called Amphimalla, and, on the southern, Phoenix, belonging to the Lampians. The island is broadest near the middle. And from here the shores again converge to an isthmus narrower than the former, about sixty stadia in width, which extends from Minoa, city of the Lyctians, to Hierapytna and the Libyan Sea; the city is situated on the gulf. Then the island projects into a sharp promontory, Samonium, which slopes in the direction of Aegypt and the islands of the Rhodians.

252. The text is corrupt (see critical note), and no known MS. contains a number for the breadth of the island. Moreover, the Greek words (either three or four) contained in the MSS. at this point are generally unintelligible. According to measurements on Kiepert's wall map, however, the maximum dimensions are 1400 x 310 stadia.

253. On Hieronymus, see notes on 8. 6. 21 and 9. 5. 22.

254. All MSS. omit something here (see critical note). Jones conjectures "(it is) about two hundred stadia" in breadth (the breadth of the western end as given in 10. 4. 2).

010.004.004

ἔστι δ' ὀρεινὴ καὶ δασεῖα ἡ νῆσος, ἔχει δ' αὐλῶνας εὐκάρπους. τῶν δ' ὀρῶν τὰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν καλεῖται Λευκά, οὐ λειπόμενα τοῦ Ταϋγέτου κατὰ τὸ ὕψος, ἐπὶ τὸ μῆκος δ' ἐκτεταμένα ὅσον τριακοσίων σταδίων καὶ ποιοῦντα ῥάχιν τελευτῶσάν πως ἐπὶ τὰ στενά. ἐν μέσῳ δ' ἐστὶ κατὰ τὸ εὐρυχωρότατον τῆς νήσου τὸ Ἰδαῖον ὄρος ὑψηλότατον τῶν ἐκεῖ, περιφερὲς δ' ἐν κύκλῳ σταδίων ἑξακοσίων· περιοικεῖται δ' ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων πόλεων. ἄλλα δ' ἐστὶ πάρισα τοῖς Λευκοῖς, τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ νότον τὰ δ' ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω λήγοντα.

The island is mountainous and thickly wooded, but it has fruitful glens. Of the mountains, those towards the west are called Leuca; {255} they do not fall short of Taÿgetus in height, extend in length about three hundred stadia, and form a ridge which terminates approximately at the narrows. In the middle, in the most spacious part of the island, is Mount Ida, loftiest of the mountains of Crete and circular in shape, with a circuit of six hundred stadia; and around it are the best cities. There are other mountains in Crete that are about as high as the Leuca, some terminating towards the south and others towards the east.

255. "White."

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ἔστι δ' ἀπὸ τῆς Κυρηναίας ἐπὶ τὸ Κριοῦ μέτωπον δυεῖν ἡμερῶν καὶ νυκτῶν πλοῦς, ἀπὸ δὲ Κιμάρου ἐπὶ Ταίναρον εἰσὶ στάδιοι ἑπτακόσιοι μεταξὺ δὲ Κύθηρα , ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Σαμωνίου πρὸς Αἴγυπτον τεττάρων ἡμερῶν καὶ νυκτῶν πλοῦς, οἱ δὲ τριῶν φασι· σταδίων δ' εἶναι τοῦτόν τινες πεντακισχιλίων εἰρήκασιν, οἱ δὲ ἔτι ἐλαττόνων. Ἐρατοσθένης δ' ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Κυρηναίας μέχρι Κριοῦ μετώπου δισχιλίους φησίν, ἔνθεν δ' εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἐλάττους . . .

The voyage from Cyrenaea to Criumetopon takes two days and nights, and the distance from Cimarus to Taenarum is seven hundred stadia, {256} Cythera lying between them; and the voyage from Samonium to Aegypt takes four days and nights, though some say three. Some state that this is a voyage of five thousand stadia, but others still less. Eratosthenes says that the distance from Cyrenaea to Criumetopon is two thousand, and from there to the Peloponnesus less . . . {257}

256. A very close estimate (for the same estimate, see 8. 5. l).

257. Eratosthenes probably said "a thousand less," but no number is given in the MSS. (see critical note).

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Ἄλλη δ' ἄλλων γλῶσσα μεμιγμένη

φησὶν ὁ ποιητής

ἐν μὲν Ἀχαιοί, ἐν δ' Ἐτεόκρητες μεγαλήτορες, ἐν δὲ Κύδωνες, Δωριέες τε τριχάικες δῖοί τε Πελασγοί.

τούτων φησὶ Στάφυλος τὸ μὲν πρὸς ἕω Δωριεῖς κατέχειν, τὸ δὲ δυσμικὸν Κύδωνας, τὸ δἐ νότιον Ἐτεόκρητας, ὧν εἶναι πολίχνιον Πρᾶσον, ὅπου τὸ τοῦ Δικταίου Διὸς ἱερόν· τοὺς δ' ἄλλους ἰσχύοντας πλέον οἰκῆσαι τὰ πεδία. τοὺς μὲν οὖν Ἐτεόκρητας καὶ τοὺς Κύδωνας αὐτόχθονας ὑπάρξαι εἰκός, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐπήλυδας, οὓς ἐκ Θετταλίας φησὶν ἐλθεῖν Ἄνδρων τῆς Δωρίδος μὲν πρότερον νῦν δὲ Ἑστιαιώτιδος λεγομένης· ἐξ ἧς ὡρμήθησαν, ὥς φησιν, οἱ περὶ τὸν Παρνασσὸν οἰκήσαντες Δωριεῖς καὶ ἔκτισαν τήν τε Ἐρινεὸν καὶ Βοιὸν καὶ Κυτίνιον, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ τριχάικες ὑπὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ λέγονται. οὐ πάνυ δὲ τὸν τοῦ Ἄνδρωνος λόγον ἀποδέχονται, τὴν μὲν τετράπολιν Δωρίδα τρίπολιν ἀποφαίνοντος, τὴν δὲ μητρόπολιν τῶν Δωριέων ἄποικον Θετταλῶν· τριχάικας δὲ δέχονται ἤτοι ἀπὸ τῆς τριλοφίας ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ τριχίνους εἶναι τοὺς λόφους.

But one tongue with others is mixed,the poet says;there dwell Achaeans, there Eteo-Cretans {258} proud of heart, there Cydonians and Dorians, too, of waving plumes, and goodly Pelasgians. {259} {260} Of these peoples, according to Staphylus, {261} the Dorians occupy the part towards the east, the Cydonians the western part, the Eteo-Cretans the southern; and to these last belongs the town Prasus, where is the temple of the Dictaean Zeus; whereas the other peoples, since they were more powerful, dwelt in the plains. Now it is reasonable to suppose that the Eteo-Cretans and the Cydonians were autochthonous, and that the others were foreigners, who, according to Andron, {262} came from Thessaly, from the country which in earlier times was called Doris, but is now called Hestiaeotis; it was from this country that the Dorians who lived in the neighborhood of Parnassus set out, as he says, and founded Erineüs, Boeüm, and Cytinium, and hence by Homer {263} are called "trichaïces." {264} However, writers do not accept the account of Andron at all, since he represents the Tetrapolis Doris as being a Tripolis, {265} and the metropolis of the Dorians as a mere colony of Thessalians; and they derive the meaning of "trichaïces" either from the "trilophia," {266} or from the fact that the crests were "trichini." {267}

258. "Cretans of the old stock."

259. Hom. Od. 19.175

260. See 5. 2. 4, where the same passage is quoted.

261. Staphylus of Naucratis wrote historical works on Thessaly, Athens, Aeolia, and Arcadia, but only a few fragments are preserved. The translator does not know when he lived.

262. Andron (fl. apparently in the fourth century B.C.) wrote a work entitled Kinships, of which only a few fragments remain. It treated the genealogical relationships between the Greek tribes and cities, and appears to have been an able work.

263. Hom. Od. 19.177.

264. Andron fancifully connects this adjective with "tricha" ("in three parts"), making it mean "three-fold" (so Liddell and Scott q.v.), but it is surely a compound of θρίξ and ἀΐσσω (cp. κορυθάϊξ), and mans "hairshaking," or, as translated in the above passage from Homer, "of waving plumes."

265. i.e., as composed of three cities instead of four.

266. "Triple.crest" (of a helmet).

267. "Made of hair."

010.004.007

πόλεις δ' εἰσὶν ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ πλείους μέν, μέγισται δὲ καὶ ἐπιφανέσταται τρεῖς, Κνωσσὸς Γόρτυνα Κυδωνία. διαφερόντως δὲ τὴν Κνωσσὸν καὶ Ὅμηρος ὑμνεῖ μεγάλην καλῶν καὶ βασίλειον τοῦ Μίνω καὶ οἱ ὕστερον. καὶ δὴ καὶ διετέλεσε μέχρι πολλοῦ φερομένη τὰ πρῶτα, εἶτα ἐταπεινώθη καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων ἀφῃρέθη, μετέστη δὲ τὸ ἀξίωμα εἴς τε Γόρτυναν καὶ Λύττον, ὕστερον δ' ἀνέλαβε πάλιν τὸ παλαιὸν σχῆμα τὸ τῆς μητροπόλεως. κεῖται δ' ἐν πεδίῳ κύκλον ἔχουσα ἡ Κνωσσὸς τὸν ἀρχαῖον τριάκοντα σταδίων, μεταξὺ τῆς Λυκτίας καὶ τῆς Γορτυνίας, διέχουσα τῆς μὲν Γορτύνης σταδίους διακοσίους, τῆς δὲ Λύττου, ἣν ὁ ποιητὴς Λύκτον ὠνόμασεν, ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι· τῆς δὲ θαλάττης Κνωσσὸς μὲν τῆς βορείου πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι, Γόρτυνα δὲ τῆς Λιβυκῆς ἐνενήκοντα, Λύττος δὲ καὶ αὐτὴ τῆς Λιβυκῆς ὀγδοήκοντα. ἔχει δ' ἐπίνειον τὸ Ἡράκλειον ἡ Κνωσσός.

There are several cities in Crete, but the greatest and most famous are three: Cnossus, Gortyna and Cydonia. The praises of Cnossus are hymned above the rest both by Homer, who calls it "great" and "the kingdom of Minos," {268} and by the later poets. Furthermore, it continued for a long time to win the first honors; then it was humbled and deprived of many of its prerogatives, and its superior rank passed over to Gortyna and Lyctus; but later it again recovered its olden dignity as the metropolis. Cnossus is situated in a plain, its original circuit being thirty stadia, between the Lyctian and Gortynian territories, being two hundred stadia distant from Gortyna, and a hundred and twenty from Lyttus, which the poet named Lyctus. {269} Cnossus is twenty-five stadia from the northern sea, Gortyna is ninety from the Libyan Sea, and Lyctus itself is eighty from the Libyan. And Cnossus has Heracleium as its seaport.

268. Hom. Od. 19.178.

269. Hom. Il. 2.647 and 17.611.

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Μίνω δέ φασιν ἐπινείῳ χρήσασθαι τῷ Ἀμνισῷ, ὅπου τὸ τῆς Εἰλειθυίας ἱερόν. ἐκαλεῖτο δ' ἡ Κνωσσὸς Καίρατος πρότερον ὁμώνυμος τῷ παραρρέοντι ποταμῷ. ἱστόρηται δ' ὁ Μίνως νομοθέτης γενέσθαι σπουδαῖος θαλαττοκρατῆσαί τε πρῶτος, τριχῆ δὲ διελὼν τὴν νῆσον ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῷ μέρει κτίσαι πόλιν, τὴν μὲν Κνωσσὸν ἐν τῷ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . καταντικρὺ τῆς Πελοποννήσου· καὶ αὐτὴ δ' ἐστὶ προσβόρειος. ὡς δ' εἴρηκεν Ἔφορος, ζηλωτὴς ὁ Μίνως ἀρχαίου τινὸς Ῥαδαμάνθυος δικαιοτάτου ἀνδρὸς ὁμωνύμου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ, ὃς πρῶτος τὴν νῆσον ἐξημερῶσαι δοκεῖ νομίμοις καὶ συνοικισμοῖς πόλεων καὶ πολιτείαις, σκηψάμενος παρὰ Διὸς φέρειν ἕκαστα τῶν τιθεμένων δογμάτων εἰς μέσον. τοῦτον δὴ μιμούμενος καὶ ὁ Μίνως δι' ἐννέα ἐτῶν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀναβαίνων ἐπὶ τὸ τοῦ Διὸς ἄντρον καὶ διατρίβων ἐνθάδε, ἀπῄει συντεταγμένα ἔχων παραγγέλματά τινα, ἃ ἔφασκεν εἶναι προστάγματα τοῦ Διός· ἀφ' ἧς αἰτίας καὶ τὸν ποιητὴν οὕτως εἰρηκέναι

ἐνθάδε Μίνως ἐννέωρος βασίλευε Διὸς μεγάλου ὀαριστής.

τοιαῦτα δ' εἰπόντος οἱ ἀρχαῖοι περὶ αὐτοῦ πάλιν ἄλλους εἰρήκασι λόγους ὑπεναντίους τούτοις, ὡς τυραννικός τε γένοιτο καὶ βίαιος καὶ δασμολόγος, τραγῳδοῦντες τὰ περὶ τὸν Μινώταυρον καὶ τὸν λαβύρινθον καὶ τὰ Θησεῖ συμβάντα καὶ Δαιδάλῳ.

But Minos is said to have used as seaport Amnisus, where is the temple of Eileithuia. {270} In earlier times Cnossus was called Caeratus, bearing the same name as the river which flows past it. According to history, Minos was an excellent law-giver, and also the first to gain the mastery of the sea; {271} and he divided the island into three parts and founded a city in each part, Cnossus in the . . . {272} And it, too, {273} lies to the north. As Ephorus states, Minos was an emulator of a certain Rhadamanthys of early times, a man most just and bearing the same name as Minos's brother, who is reputed to have been the first to civilize the island by establishing laws and by uniting cities under one city as metropolis {274} and by setting up constitutions, alleging that he brought from Zeus the several decrees which he promulgated. So, in imitation of Rhadamanthys, Minos would go up every nine years, {275} as it appears, to the cave of Zeus, tarry there, and come back with commandments drawn up in writing, which he alleged were ordinances of Zeus; and it was for this reason that the poet says,there Minos reigned as king, who held converse with great Zeus every ninth year. {276} {277} Such is the statement of Ephorus; but again the early writers have given a different account of Minos, which is contrary to that of Ephorus, saying that he was tyrannical, harsh, and an exactor of tribute, representing in tragedy the story of the Minotaur and the Labyrinth, and the adventures of Theseus and Daedalus.

270. The goddess of child-birth.

271. So Diod. Sic. lc., but see Hdt. 3.122.

272. The thought, if not the actual Greek words, of the passage here omitted from the Greek MSS. can be supplied from Diod. Sic. 5.78, who, like Strabo, depends much upon Ephorus for historical material: "(Cnossus in the) part of the island which inclines towards Asia, Phaestus on the sea, turned towards the south, and Cydonia in the region which lies towards the west, opposite the Peloponnesus".

273. Cydonia, as well as Cnossus.

274. See 10. 4. 14.

275. We should say "every eight years," or "every ninth year."

276. Hom. Od. 19.178

277. Five different interpretations of this passage have been set forth, dependent on the meaning and syntax of ἐννέωρος: that Minos (1) reigned as king for nine years, (2) was nine years old when he became king, (3) for nine years held converse with Zeus, (4) every nine years held converse with Zeus, and (5) reigned as king when he had come to mature age. Frazer (Paus. 3.2.4 adopts the first. Butcher and Lang, and A. T. Murray, adopt the second. Heracleides of Pontus On the Cretan Constitutions 3 seems to have adopted the third, saying that Minos spent nine years formulating his laws. But Plat. Minos 319c and Plat. Laws 624d says that Minos visited the cave of his father "every ninth year" (δι' ἐνάτου ἔτους); and Strabo (as 16. 2. 38 shows) expressly follows Plato. Hence the above rendering of the Homeric passage. Apart from the above interpretations, Eustathius (note on Odyssey 10.19, on a different passage) suggests that ἐννέωρος might pertain to "nine seasons, that is, two years and one month" (the "one month," however, instead of "one season," seems incongruous). This suggests that the present passage might mean that Minos held converse with Zeus during a period of one season every other year.

010.004.009

ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁποτέρως ἔχει χαλεπὸν εἰπεῖν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος λόγος οὐχ ὁμολογούμενος, τῶν μὲν ξένον τῆς νήσου τὸν Μίνω λεγόντων τῶν δ' ἐπιχώριον. ὁ μέντοι ποιητὴς τῇ δευτέρᾳ δοκεῖ μᾶλλον συνηγορεῖν ἀποφάσει, ὅταν φῇ ὅτι Ζεὺς

πρῶτον Μίνωα τέκε Κρήτῃ ἐπίουρον.

ὑπὲρ τῆς Κρήτης ὁμολογεῖται διότι κατὰ τοὺς παλαιοὺς χρόνους ἐτύγχανεν εὐνομουμένη καὶ ζηλωτὰς ἑαυτῆς τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπέφηνεν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρώτοις Λακεδαιμονίους, καθάπερ Πλάτων τε ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δηλοῖ καὶ Ἔφορος ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ ἀναγέγραφεν· ὕστερον δὲ πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον μετέβαλεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. μετὰ γὰρ τοὺς Τυρρηνούς, οἳ μάλιστα ἐδῄωσαν τὴν καθ' ἡμᾶς θάλατταν, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ διαδεξάμενοι τὰ λῃστήρια· τούτους δ' ἐπόρθησαν ὕστερον οἱ Κίλικες· κατέλυσαν δὲ πάντας Ῥωμαῖοι τήν τε Κρήτην ἐκπολεμήσαντες καὶ τὰ πειρατικὰ τῶν Κιλίκων φρούρια. νῦν δὲ Κνωσσὸς καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀποικίαν ἔχει.

Now, as for these two accounts, it is hard to say which is true; and there is another subject that is not agreed upon by all, some saying that Minos was a foreigner, but others that he was a native of the island. The poet, however, seems rather to advocate the second view when he says,Zeus first begot Minos, guardian o'er Crete. {278} In regard to Crete, writers agree that in ancient times it had good laws, and rendered the best of the Greeks its emulators, and in particular the Lacedaemonians, as is shown, for instance, by Plato {279} and also by Ephorus, who in his Europe {280} has described its constitution. But later it changed very much for the worse; for after the Tyrrhenians, who more than any other people ravaged Our Sea, {281} the Cretans succeeded to the business of piracy; their piracy was later destroyed by the Cilicians; but all piracy was broken up by the Romans, who reduced Crete by war and also the piratical strongholds of the Cilicians. And at the present time Cnossus has even a colony of Romans.

278. Hom. Il. 13.450

279. Plat. Laws 631b, 693e, 751dff., 950.

280. The fourth book of his history was so entitled.

281. The Mediterranean.

010.004.010

περὶ μὲν οὖν Κνωσσοῦ ταῦτα, πόλεως οὐκ ἀλλοτρίας ἡμῖν, διὰ δὲ τἀνθρώπινα καὶ τὰς ἐν αὐτοῖς μεταβολὰς καὶ συντυχίας ἐκλελειμμένων τῶν συμβολαίων τῶν ὑπαρξάντων ἡμῖν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. Δορύλαος γὰρ ἦν ἀνὴρ τακτικός, τῶν Μιθριδάτου τοῦ Εὐεργέτου φίλων· οὗτος διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἐμπειρίαν ξενολογεῖν ἀποδειχθεὶς πολὺς ἦν ἔν τε τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ τῇ Θρᾴκῃ, πολὺς δὲ καὶ τοῖς παρὰ τῆς Κρήτης ἰοῦσιν, οὔπω τὴν νῆσον ἐχόντων Ῥωμαίων, συχνοῦ δὲ ὄντος ἐν αὐτῇ τοῦ μισθοφορικοῦ καὶ στρατιωτικοῦ πλήθους, ἐξ οὗ καὶ τὰ λῃστήρια πληροῦσθαι συνέβαινεν. ἐπιδημοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Δορυλάου κατὰ τύχην ἐνέστη πόλεμος τοῖς Κνωσσίοις πρὸς τοὺς Γορτυνίους· αἱρεθεὶς δὲ στρατηγὸς καὶ κατορθώσας διὰ ταχέων ἤρατο τιμὰς τὰς μεγίστας, καὶ ἐπειδὴ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς δολοφονηθέντα ἔγνω τὸν Εὐεργέτην ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἐν Σινώπῃ, τὴν διαδοχὴν δὲ εἰς γυναῖκα καὶ παιδία ἥκουσαν, ἀπογνοὺς τῶν ἐκεῖ κατέμεινεν ἐν τῇ Κνωσσῷ· τεκνοποιεῖται δ' ἐκ Μακέτιδος γυναικὸς Στερόπης τοὔνομα δύο μὲν υἱεῖς Λαγέταν καὶ Στρατάρχαν, ὧν τὸν Στρατάρχαν ἐσχατόγηρων καὶ ἡμεῖς ἤδη εἴδομεν, θυγατέρα δὲ μίαν. δυεῖν δὲ ὄντων υἱῶν τοῦ Εὐεργέτου διεδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν Μιθριδάτης ὁ προσαγορευθεὶς Εὐπάτωρ ἕνδεκα ἔτη γεγονώς· τούτῳ σύντροφος ὑπῆρξεν ὁ τοῦ Φιλεταίρου Δορύλαος· ἦν δ' ὁ Φιλέταιρος ἀδελφὸς τοῦ τακτικοῦ Δορυλάου. ἀνδρωθεὶς δ' ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ᾕρητο τῇ συντροφίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Δορύλαον ὥστ' οὐκ ἐκεῖνον μόνον εἰς τιμὰς ἦγε τὰς μεγίστας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν συγγενῶν ἐπεμελεῖτο καὶ τοὺς ἐν Κνωσσῷ μετεπέμπετο· ἦσαν δ' οἱ περὶ Λαγέταν, τοῦ μὲν πατρὸς ἤδη τετελευτηκότος, αὐτοὶ δ' ἠνδρωμένοι, καὶ ἧκον ἀφέντες τὰ ἐν Κνωσσῷ· τοῦ δὲ Λαγέτα θυγάτηρ ἦν ἡ μήτηρ τῆς ἐμῆς μητρός. εὐτυχοῦντος μὲν δὴ ἐκείνου συνευτυχεῖν καὶ τούτοις συνέβαινε, καταλυθέντος δὲ ἐφωράθη γὰρ ἀφιστὰς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὴν βασιλείαν ἐφ' ᾧ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστήσεται συγκατελύθη καὶ τὰ τούτων καὶ ἐταπεινώθησαν· ὠλιγωρήθη δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Κνωσσίους συμβόλαια καὶ αὐτοὺς μυρίας μεταβολὰς δεξαμένους.

So much for Cnossus, a city to which I myself am not alien, although, on account of man's fortune and of the changes and issues therein, the bonds which at first connected me with the city have disappeared: Dorylaüs was a military expert and one of the friends of Mithridates Euergetes. He, because of his experience in military affairs, was appointed to enlist mercenaries, and often visited not only Greece and Thrace, but also the mercenaries of Crete, that is, before the Romans were yet in possession of the island and while the number of mercenary soldiers in the island, from whom the piratical bands were also wont to be recruited, was large. Now when Dorylaüs was sojourning there war happened to break out between the Cnossians and the Gortynians, and he was appointed general, finished the war successfully, and speedily won the greatest honors. But when, a little later, he learned that Euergetes, as the result of a plot, had been treacherously slain in Sinope by his closest associates, and heard that the succession had passed to his wife and young children, he despaired of the situation there and stayed on at Cnossus. There, by a Macetan woman, Sterope by name, he begot two sons, Lagetas and Stratarchas (the latter of whom l myself saw when he was an extremely old man), and also one daughter. Now Euergetes had two sons, one of whom, Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, succeeded to the rule when he was eleven years old. Dorylaüs, the son of Philetaerus, was his foster brother; and Philotaerus was a brother of Dorylaüs the military expert. And when the king Mithridates reached manhood, he was so infatuated with the companionship of his foster brother Dorylaüs that he not only conferred upon him the greatest honors, but also cared for his kinsmen and summoned those who lived at Cnossus. These were the household of Lagetas and his brother, their father having already died, and they themselves having reached manhood; and they quit Cnossus and went home. My mother's mother was the sister of Lagetas. Now when Lagetas prospered, these others shared in his prosperity, but when he was ruined (for he was caught in the act of trying to cause the kingdom to revolt to the Romans, on the understanding that he was to be established at the head of the government), their fortunes were also ruined at the same time, and they were reduced to humility; and the bonds which connected them with the Cnossians, who themselves had undergone countless changes, fell into neglect. But enough for my account of Cnossus.

010.004.011

ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὁ μὲν περὶ τῆς Κνωσσοῦ λόγος τοιοῦτος. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην δευτερεῦσαι δοκεῖ κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν ἡ τῶν Γορτυνίων πόλις. συμπράττουσαί τε γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἅπαντας ὑπηκόους εἶχον αὗται τοὺς ἄλλους, στασιάσασαί τε διέστησαν τὰ κατὰ τὴν νῆσον· προσθήκη δ' ἦν ἡ Κυδωνία μεγίστη ὁποτέροις προσγένοιτο. κεῖται δ' ἐν πεδίῳ καὶ ἡ τῶν Γορτυνίων πόλις, τὸ παλαιὸν μὲν ἴσως τετειχισμένη καθάπερ καὶ Ὅμηρος εἴρηκε

Γόρτυνά τε τειχήεσσαν

, ὕστερον δ' ἀποβαλοῦσα τὸ τεῖχος ἐκ θεμελίων καὶ πάντα τὸν χρόνον μείνασα ἀτείχιστος· καὶ γὰρ ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ Πτολεμαῖος ἀρξάμενος τειχίζειν ὅσον ἐπὶ ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους παρῆλθε μόνον· ἀξιόλογον δ' οὖν ἐξεπλήρου ποτὲ κύκλον ἡ οἴκησις ὅσον πεντήκοντα σταδίων· διέχει δὲ τῆς Λιβυκῆς θαλάττης κατὰ Λεβῆνα τὸ ἐμπόριον αὐτῆς ἐνενήκοντα· ἔχει δέ τι καὶ ἄλλο ἐπίνειον τὸ Μάταλον, διέχει δ' αὐτῆς ἑκατὸν τριάκοντα. διαρρεῖ δ' αὐτὴν ὅλην ὁ Ληθαῖος ποταμός.

After Cnossus, the city of the Gortynians seems to have ranked second in power; for when these two cooperated they held in subjection all the rest of the inhabitants, and when they had a quarrel there was dissension throughout the island. But Cydonia was the greatest addition to whichever side it attached itself. The city of the Gortynians also lies in a plain; and in ancient times, perhaps, it was walled, as Homer states,and well-walled Gortyn, {282} but later it lost its walls from their very foundations, and has remained unwalled ever since; for although Ptolemy Philopator began to build a wall, he proceeded with it only about eighty {283} stadia; at any rate, it is worth mentioning that the settlement once filled out a circuit of about fifty stadia. It is ninety stadia distant from the Libyan Sea at Leben, which is its trading center; it also has another seaport, Matalum, from which it is a hundred and thirty stadia distant. The Lethaeus River flows through the whole of its territory.

282. Hom. Il. 2.646

283. "Eighty" seems to be an error for "eight."

010.004.012

ἐκ δὲ Λεβῆνος ἦν Λευκοκόμας τε καὶ ὁ ἐραστὴς αὐτοῦ Εὐξύνθετος, οὓς ἱστορεῖ Θεόφραστος ἐν τῷ περὶ ἔρωτος λόγῳ, ἄθλων ὧν ὁ Λευκοκόμας τῷ Εὐξυνθέτῳ προσέταξεν ἕνα φήσας εἶναι τοῦτον, τὸν ἐν Πράσῳ κύνα ἀναγαγεῖν αὐτῷ· ὅμοροι δ' εἰσὶν αὐτοῖς οἱ Πράσιοι, τῆς μὲν θαλάττης ἑβδομήκοντα Γόρτυνος δὲ διέχοντες ἑκατὸν καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα. εἴρηται δὲ ὅτι τῶν Ἐτεοκρήτων ὑπῆρχεν ἡ Πρᾶσος καὶ διότι ἐνταῦθα τὸ τοῦ Δικταίου Διὸς ἱερόν· καὶ γὰρ ἡ Δίκτη πλησίον, οὐχ ὡς Ἄρατος “ὄρεος σχεδὸν Ἰδαίοιο.” καὶ γὰρ χιλίους ἡ Δίκτη τῆς Ἴδης ἀπέχει, πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον ἀπ' αὐτῆς κειμένη, τοῦ δὲ Σαμωνίου ἑκατόν. μεταξὺ δὲ τοῦ Σαμωνίου καὶ τῆς Χερρονήσου ἡ Πρᾶσος ἵδρυτο ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάττης ἑξήκοντα σταδίοις· κατέσκαψαν δ' Ἱεραπύτνιοι. οὐκ εὖ δὲ οὐδὲ τὸν Καλλίμαχον λέγειν φασίν, ὡς ἡ Βριτόμαρτις φεύγουσα τὴν Μίνω βίαν ἀπὸ τῆς Δίκτης ἅλοιτο εἰς ἁλιέων δίκτυα, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτὴ μὲν Δίκτυννα ὑπὸ τῶν Κυδωνιατῶν προσαγορευθείη, Δίκτη δὲ τὸ ὄρος· οὐδὲ γὰρ ὅλως ἐκ γειτόνων ἐστὶ τοῖς τόποις τούτοις ἡ Κυδωνία, πρὸς δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις κεῖται τῆς νήσου πέρασι. τῆς μέντοι Κυδωνίας ὄρος ἐστὶ Τίτυρος, ἐν ᾧ ἱερόν ἐστιν οὐ Δικταῖον ἀλλὰ Δικτύνναιον.

From Leben came Leucocomas and his lover Euxynthetus, the story of whom is told by Theophrastus in his treatise On Love. Of the tasks which Leucocomas assigned to Euxynthetus, one, he says, was this--to bring back his dog from Prasus. The country of the Prasians borders on that of the Lebenians, being seventy stadia distant from the sea and a hundred and eighty from Gortyn. As I have said, {284} Prasus belonged to the Eteo-Cretans; and the temple of the Dictaean Zeus was there; for Dicte is near it, not "close to the Idaean Mountain," as Aratus says, {285} for Dicte is a thousand stadia distant from Ida, being situated at that distance from it towards the rising sun, and a hundred from Samonium. Prasus was situated between Samonium and the Cherronesus, sixty stadia above the sea; it was razed to the ground by the Hierapytnians. And neither is Callimachus right, they say, when he says that Britomartis, in her flight from the violence of Minos, leaped from Dicte into fishermen's "nets," {286} and that because of this she herself was called Dictynna by the Cydoniatae, and the mountain Dicte; for Cydonia is not in the neighborhood of these places at all, but lies near the western limits of the island. However, there is a mountain called Tityrus in Cydonia, on which is a temple, not the "Dictaean" temple, but the "Dictynnaean."

284. 10. 4. 6.

285. Aratus Phaenomena 33.

286. "Dictya."

010.004.013

Κυδωνία δ' ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ μὲν ἵδρυται βλέπουσα πρὸς τὴν Λακωνικήν, διέχει δ' ἑκατέρας τὸ ἴσον τῆς τε Κνωσσοῦ καὶ τῆς Γόρτυνος οἷον ὀκτακοσίους σταδίους, Ἀπτέρας δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα, τῆς ταύτῃ δὲ θαλάττης τετταράκοντα. Ἀπτέρας δ' ἐπίνειόν ἐστι Κίσαμος· πρὸς ἑσπέραν δ' ὅμοροι τοῖς Κυδωνιάταις Πολυρρήνιοι, παρ' οἷς ἐστι τὸ τῆς Δικτύννης ἱερόν· ἀπέχουσι δὲ τῆς θαλάττης ὡς τριάκοντα σταδίους, Φαλασάρνης δὲ ἑξήκοντα. κωμηδὸν δ' ᾤκουν πρότερον· εἶτ' Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ Λάκωνες συνῴκησαν τειχίσαντες ἐρυμνὸν χωρίον βλέπον πρὸς μεσημβρίαν.

Cydonia is situated on the sea, facing Laconia, and is equidistant, about eight hundred stadia, from the two cities Cnossus and Gortyn, and is eighty stadia distant from Aptera, and forty from the sea in that region. {287} The seaport of Aptera is Cisamus. The territory.of the Polyrrhenians borders on that of the Cydoniatae towards the west, and the temple of Dictynna is in their territory. They are about thirty stadia distant from the sea, and sixty from Phalasarna. They lived in villages in earlier times; and then Achaeans and Laconians made a common settlement, building a wall round a place that was naturally strong and faced towards the south.

287. Strabo refers, respectively, to the distance by land to Aptera and by sea, but his estimates are erroneous (see Pauly-Wissowa s.v. "Aptera").

010.004.014

τῶν δ' ὑπὸ Μίνω συνῳκισμένων τριῶν τὴν λοιπὴν Φαιστὸς δ' ἦν αὕτη κατέσκαψαν Γορτύνιοι, τῆς μὲν Γόρτυνος διέχουσαν ἑξήκοντα, τῆς δὲ θαλάττης εἴκοσι, τοῦ δὲ Ματάλου τοῦ ἐπινείου τετταράκοντα· τὴν δὲ χώραν ἔχουσιν οἱ κατασκάψαντες. Γορτυνίων δ' ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ Ῥύτιον σὺν τῇ Φαιστῷ

Φαιστόν τε Ῥύτιόν τε.

ἐκ δὲ τῆς Φαιστοῦ τὸν τοὺς καθαρμοὺς ποιήσαντα διὰ τῶν ἐπῶν Ἐπιμενίδην φασὶν εἶναι. καὶ ὁ Λισσὴν δὲ τῆς Φαιστίας. Λύττου δέ, ἧς ἐμνήσθημεν καὶ πρότερον, ἐπίνειόν ἐστιν ἡ λεγομένη Χερρόνησος, ἐν ᾖ τὸ τῆς Βριτομάρτεως ἱερόν· αἱ δὲ συγκαταλεχθεῖσαι πόλεις οὐκέτ' εἰσὶ Μίλητός τε καὶ Λύκαστος, τὴν δὲ χώραν τὴν μὲν ἐνείμαντο Λύττιοι τὴν δὲ Κνώσσιοι κατασκάψαντες τὴν πόλιν.

Of the three cities that were united under one metropolis by Minos, the third, which was Phaestus, was razed to the ground by the Gortynians; it is sixty stadia distant from Gortyn, twenty from the sea, and forty from the seaport Matalum; and the country is held by those who razed it. Rhytium, also, together with Phaestus, belongs to the Gortynians:and Phaestus and Rhytium. {288} Epimenides, {289} who performed the purifications by means of his verses, is said to have been from Phaestus. And Lissen also is in the Phaestian territory. Of Lyctus, which I have mentioned before, {290} the seaport is Cherronesus, as it is called, where is the temple of Britomartis. But the Cities Miletus and Lycastus, which are catalogued along with Lyctus, {291} no longer exist; and as for their territory, the Lyctians took one portion of it and the Cnossians the other, after they had razed the city to the ground.

288. Hom. Il. 2.648

289. Epimenides was a wizard, an ancient "Rip Van Winkle," who, according to Suidas, slept for sixty of his one hundred and fifty years. According to Diogenes Laertius 1.110, he went to Athens in "the forty sixth Olympiad" (596-593 B.C ) "and purified the city, and put a stop to the plague" (see Plutarch's account of his visit in Solon's time, Plut. Sol. 12). According to Plat. Laws 642d he went to Athens "ten years before the Persian war" (i.e., 500 B.C.), and uttered the prophecy that the Persians would not come for ten years, and would get the worst of it when they came. But see Pauly-Wissowa s.v. "Epimenides."

290. 10. 4. 7.

291. Hom. Il. 2.647.

010.004.015

τοῦ δὲ ποιητοῦ τὸ μὲν ἑκατόμπολιν λέγοντος τὴν Κρήτην τὸ δὲ ἐνενηκοντάπολιν, Ἔφορος μὲν ὕστερον ἐπικτισθῆναι τὰς δέκα φησὶ μετὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀλθαιμένει τῷ Ἀργείῳ συνακολουθησάντων Δωριέων· τὸν μὲν οὖν Ὀδυσσέα λέγει ἐνενηκοντάπολιν ὀνομάσαι· οὗτος μὲν οὖν πιθανός ἐστιν ὁ λόγος, ἄλλοι δ' ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰδομενέως ἐχθρῶν κατασκαφῆναί φασι τὰς δέκα· ἀλλ' οὔτε κατὰ τὰ Τρωικά φησιν ὁ ποιητὴς ἑκατοντάπολιν ὑπάρξαι τὴν Κρήτην, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον κατ' αὐτόν ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ ἰδίου προσώπου λέγει· εἰ δ' ἐκ τῶν τότε ὄντων τινὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος, καθάπερ ἐν τῇ Ὀδυσσείᾳ, ἡνίκα ἐνενηκοντάπολιν φράζει, καλῶς εἶχεν ἂν οὕτω δέχεσθαι , οὔτ' εἰ συγχωρήσαιμεν τοῦτό γε, ὁ ἑξῆς λόγος σώζοιτ' ἄν. οὔτε γὰρ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν οὔτε μετὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον τὴν ἐκεῖθεν τοῦ Ἰδομενέως εἰκός ἐστιν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν αὐτοῦ τὰς πόλεις ἠφανίσθαι ταύτας· ὁ γὰρ ποιητὴς φήσας

πάντας δ' Ἰδομενεὺς Κρήτην εἰσήγαγ' ἑταίρους, οἳ φύγον ἐκ πολέμου, πόντος δέ οἱ οὔτιν' ἀπηύρα,

καὶ τούτου τοῦ πάθους ἐμέμνητ' ἄν· οὐ γὰρ δήπου Ὀδυσσεὺς μὲν ἔγνω τὸν ἀφανισμὸν τῶν πόλεων ὁ μηδενὶ συμμίξας τῶν Ἑλλήνων μήτε κατὰ τὴν πλάνην μήθ' ὕστερον, ὁ δὲ καὶ συστρατεύσας τῷ Ἰδομενεῖ καὶ συνανασωθεὶς οὐκ ἔγνω τὰ συμβάντα οἴκοι αὐτῷ οὔτε κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν οὔτε τὴν ἐπάνοδον τὴν ἐκεῖθεν· ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ μετὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον· εἰ γὰρ μετὰ πάντων ἐσώθη τῶν ἑταίρων, ἰσχυρὸς ἐπανῆλθεν, ὥστ' οὐκ ἔμελλον ἰσχύσειν οἱ ἐχθροὶ τοσοῦτον ὅσον δέκα ἀφαιρεῖσθαι πόλεις αὐτόν. τῆς μὲν οὖν χώρας τῶν Κρητῶν τοιαύτη τις ἡ περιοδεία.

Since the poet speaks of Crete at one time as "possessing a hundred cities," {292} and also at another as "possessing ninety cities," {293} Ephorus says that the ten were founded later than the others, after the Trojan War, by the Dorians who accompanied Althaemenes the Argive; he adds that it was Odysseus, however, who called it "Crete of the ninety cities." Now this statement is plausible, but others say that the ten cities were razed to the ground by the enemies of Idomeneus. {294} However, in the first place, the poet does not say that Crete had one hundred cities at the time of the Trojan War, but rather in his own time (for he is speaking in his own person, although, if the statement was made by some person who was living at the time of the Trojan War, as is the case in the Odyssey, when Odysseus says "of the ninety cities," then it would be well to interpret it accordingly). In the second place, if we should concede this, {295} the next statement {296} could not he maintained; for it is not likely that these cities were wiped out by the enemies of Idomeneus either during the expedition or after his return from Troy; for when the poet said,and all his companions Idomeneus brought to Crete, all who escaped from the war, and the sea robbed him of none, {297} he would also have mentioned this disaster; for of course Odysseus could not have known of the obliteration of the cities, since he came in contact with no Greeks either during his wanderings or later. And he {298} who accompanied Idomeneus on the expedition to Troy and returned safely home at the same time could not have known what occurred in the homeland of Idomeneus either during the expedition or the return from Troy, nor yet even after the return; for if ldomeneus escaped with all his companions, he returned home strong, and therefore his enemies were not likely to be strong enough to take ten cities away from him. Such, then, is my description of the country of the Cretans.

292. Hom. Il. 2.649.

293. Hom. Od. 19.174.

294. The grandson of Minos.

295. i.e., that Homer was speaking of his own time.

296. i.e., that ten were razed by the enemies of Idomeneus.

297. Hom. Od. 3.191 (Nestor speaking).

298. Nestor.

010.004.016

τῆς δὲ πολιτείας ἧς Ἔφορος ἀνέγραψε τὰ κυριώτατα ἐπιδραμεῖν ἀποχρώντως ἂν ἔχοι. δοκεῖ δέ, φησίν, ὁ νομοθέτης μέγιστον ὑποθέσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀγαθὸν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν· μόνην γὰρ ταύτην ἴδια ποιεῖν τῶν κτησαμένων τὰ ἀγαθά, τὰ δ' ἐν δουλείᾳ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἀλλ' οὐχὶ τῶν ἀρχομένων εἶναι· τοῖς δ' ἔχουσι ταύτην φυλακῆς δεῖν· τὴν μὲν οὖν ὁμόνοιαν διχοστασίας αἰρομένης ἀπαντᾶν, ἣ γίνεται διὰ πλεονεξίαν καὶ τρυφήν· σωφρόνως γὰρ καὶ λιτῶς ζῶσιν ἅπασιν οὔτε φθόνον οὔθ' ὕβριν οὔτε μῖσος ἀπαντᾶν πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίους· διόπερ τοὺς μὲν παῖδας εἰς τὰς ὀνομαζομένας ἀγέλας κελεῦσαι φοιτᾶν, τοὺς δὲ τελείους ἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις ἃ καλοῦσιν ἀνδρεῖα συσσιτεῖν, ὅπως τῶν ἴσων μετάσχοιεν τοῖς εὐπόροις οἱ πενέστεροι δημοσίᾳ τρεφόμενοι· πρὸς δὲ τὸ μὴ δειλίαν ἀλλ' ἀνδρείαν κρατεῖν ἐκ παίδων ὅπλοις καὶ πόνοις συντρέφειν, ὥστε καταφρονεῖν καύματος καὶ ψύχους καὶ τραχείας ὁδοῦ καὶ ἀνάντους καὶ πληγῶν τῶν ἐν γυμνασίοις καὶ μάχαις ταῖς κατὰ σύνταγμα· ἀσκεῖν δὲ καὶ τοξικῇ καὶ ἐνοπλίῳ ὀρχήσει, ἣν καταδεῖξαι Κουρῆτα πρῶτον, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ συντάξαντα τὴν κληθεῖσαν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ πυρρίχην, ὥστε μηδὲ τὴν παιδιὰν ἄμοιρον εἶναι τῶν πρὸς πόλεμον χρησίμων· ὡς δ' αὕτως καὶ τοῖς ῥυθμοῖς Κρητικοῖς χρῆσθαι κατὰ τὰς ᾠδὰς συντονωτάτοις οὖσιν οὓς Θάλητα ἀνευρεῖν, ᾧ καὶ τοὺς παιᾶνας καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς ἐπιχωρίους ᾠδὰς ἀνατιθέασι καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων· καὶ ἐσθῆτι δὲ καὶ ὑποδέσει πολεμικῇ χρῆσθαι, καὶ τῶν δώρων τιμιώτατα αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα.

As for their constitution, which is described by Ephorus, it might suffice to tell in a cursory way its most important provisions. The lawgiver, he says, seems to take it for granted that liberty is a state's greatest good, for this alone makes property belong specifically to those who have acquired it, whereas in a condition of slavery everything belongs to the rulers and not to the ruled; but those who have liberty must guard it; now harmony ensues when dissension, which is the result of greed and luxury, is removed; for when all citizens live a self-restrained and simple life there arises neither envy nor arrogance nor hatred towards those who are like them; and this is why the lawgiver commanded the boys to attend the "Troops," {299} as they are called, and the full grown men to eat together at the public messes which they call the "Andreia," so that the poorer, being fed at public expense, might be on an equality with the well-to-do; and in order that courage, and not cowardice, might prevail, he commanded that from boyhood they should grow up accustomed to arms and toils, so as to scorn heat, cold, marches over rugged and steep roads, and blows received in gymnasiums or regular battles; and that they should practise, not only archery, but also the war-dance, which was invented and made known by the Curetes at first, and later, also, by the man {300} who arranged the dance that was named after him, I mean the Pyrrhic dance, so that not even their sports were without a share in activities that were useful for warfare; and likewise that they should use in their songs the Cretic rhythms, which were very high pitched, and were invented by Thales, to whom they ascribe, not only their Paeans and other local songs, but also many of their institutions; and that they should use military dress and shoes; and that arms should be to them the most valuable of gifts.

299. Literally, "Herds" (cf. the Boy Scout "Troops").

300. Pyrrhicus (see 10. 3. 8).

010.004.017

λέγεσθαι δ' ὑπό τινων ὡς Λακωνικὰ εἴη τὰ πολλὰ τῶν νομιζομένων Κρητικῶν, τὸ δ' ἀληθὲς εὑρῆσθαι μὲν ὑπ' ἐκείνων, ἠκριβωκέναι δὲ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας, τοὺς δὲ Κρῆτας ὀλιγωρῆσαι, κακωθεισῶν τῶν πόλεων καὶ μάλιστα τῆς Κνωσσίων, τῶν πολεμικῶν· μεῖναι δέ τινα τῶν νομίμων παρὰ Λυττίοις καὶ Γορτυνίοις καὶ ἄλλοις τισὶ πολιχνίοις μᾶλλον ἢ παρ' ἐκείνοις· καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ Λυττίων νόμιμα ποιεῖσθαι μαρτύρια τοὺς τὰ Λακωνικὰ πρεσβύτερα ἀποφαίνοντας· ἀποίκους γὰρ ὄντας φυλάττειν τὰ τῆς μητροπόλεως ἔθη, ἐπεὶ ἄλλως γε εὔηθες εἶναι τὸ τοὺς βέλτιον συνεστῶτας καὶ πολιτευομένους τῶν χειρόνων ζηλωτὰς ἀποφαίνειν· οὐκ εὖ δὲ ταῦτα λέγεσθαι· οὔτε γὰρ ἐκ τῶν νῦν καθεστηκότων τὰ παλαιὰ τεκμηριοῦσθαι δεῖν, εἰς τἀναντία ἑκατέρων μεταπεπτωκότων· καὶ γὰρ ναυκρατεῖν πρότερον τοὺς Κρῆτας, ὥστε καὶ παροιμιάζεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προσποιουμένους μὴ εἰδέναι ἃ ἴσασιν “ὁ Κρὴς ἀγνοεῖ τὴν θάλατταν,” νῦν δ' ἀποβεβληκέναι τὸ ναυτικόν· ὁὔτἐ ὅτι ἄποικοί τινες τῶν πόλεων γεγόνασι τῶν ἐν Κρήτῃ Σπαρτιατῶν, ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων νομίμοις διαμένειν ἐπηναγκάσθαι· πολλὰς γοῦν τῶν ἀποικίδων μὴ φυλάττειν τὰ πάτρια, πολλὰς δὲ καὶ τῶν μὴ ἀποικίδων ἐν Κρήτῃ τὰ αὐτὰ ἔχειν τοῖς ἀποίκοις ἔθη.

It is said by some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan institutions are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the Cretans and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when their cities, and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated, neglected military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in use among the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a greater extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of the Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the Laconian as older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the customs of the mother city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to represent those who are better organized and governed as emulators of their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for, in the first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from the present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a complete reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were masters of the sea, and hence the proverb, "The Cretan does not know the sea," is applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know, although now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second place, it does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were Spartan colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe their ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are not colonial have the same customs as the colonists.

010.004.018

τῶν τε Σπαρτιατῶν τὸν νομοθέτην Λυκοῦργον πέντε γενεαῖς νεώτερον Ἀλθαιμένους εἶναι τοῦ στείλαντος τὴν εἰς Κρήτην ἀποικίαν· τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἱστορεῖσθαι Κίσσου παῖδα τοῦ τὸ Ἄργος κτίσαντος περὶ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἡνίκα Προκλῆς τὴν Σπάρτην συνῴκιζε, Λυκοῦργον δ' ὁμολογεῖσθαι παρὰ πάντων ἕκτον ἀπὸ Προκλέους γεγονέναι· τὰ δὲ μιμήματα μὴ εἶναι πρότερα τῶν παραδειγμάτων μηδὲ τὰ νεώτερα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων· τήν τε ὄρχησιν τὴν παρὰ τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπιχωριάζουσαν καὶ τοὺς ῥυθμοὺς καὶ παιᾶνας τοὺς κατὰ νόμον ᾀδομένους καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων Κρητικὰ καλεῖσθαι παρ' αὐτοῖς ὡς ἂν ἐκεῖθεν ὁρμώμενα· τῶν δ' ἀρχείων τὰ μὲν καὶ τὰς διοικήσεις ἔχειν τὰς αὐτὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ὥσπερ καὶ τὴν τῶν γερόντων ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἱππέων πλὴν ὅτι τοὺς ἐν Κρήτῃ ἱππέας καὶ ἵππους κεκτῆσθαι συμβέβηκεν· ἐξ οὗ τεκμαίρονται πρεσβυτέραν εἶναι τῶν ἐν Κρήτῃ ἱππέων τὴν ἀρχήν· σώζειν γὰρ τὴν ἐτυμότητα τῆς προσηγορίας· τοὺς δὲ μὴ ἱπποτροφεῖν , τοὺς ἐφόρους δὲ τὰ αὐτὰ τοῖς ἐν Κρήτῃ κόσμοις διοικοῦντας ἑτέρως ὠνομάσθαι· τὰ δὲ συσσίτια ἀνδρεῖα παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Κρησὶν καὶ νῦν ἔτι καλεῖσθαι, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις μὴ διαμεῖναι καλούμενα ὁμοίως πρότερον· παρ' Ἀλκμᾶνι γοῦν οὕτω κεῖσθαι

φοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα κατάρχειν.

Lycurgus the Spartan law-giver, Ephorus continues, was five generations later than the Althaemenes who conducted the colony to Crete; {301} for historians say that Althaemenes was son of the Cissus who founded Argos about the same time when Procles was establishing Sparta as metropolis; {302} and Lycurgus, as is agreed by all, was sixth in descent from Procles; and copies are not earlier than their models, nor more recent things earlier than older things; not only the dancing which is customary among the Lacedaemonians, but also the rhythms and paeans that are sung according to law, and many other Spartan institutions, are called "Cretan" among the Lacedaemonians, as though they originated in Crete; and some of the public offices are not only administered in the same way as in Crete, but also have the same names, as, for instance, the office of the "Gerontes," {303} and that of the "Hippeis" {304} (except that the "Hippeis" in Crete actually possessed horses, and from this fact it is inferred that the office of the "Hippeis" in Crete is older, for they preserve the true meaning of the appellation, whereas the Lacedaemonian "Hippeis" do not keep horses); but though the Ephors have the same functions as the Cretan Cosmi, they have been named differently; and the public messes are, even today, still called "Andreia" among the Cretans, but among the Spartans they ceased to be called by the same name as in earlier times; {305} at any rate, the following is found in Alcman:In feasts and festive gatherings, amongst the guests who partake of the Andreia, 'tis meet to begin the paean {306}

301. This Althaemenes, therefore, is not to be confused with the Althaemenes who was the grandson of Minos.

302. i.e., of Laconia (see 8. 5. 4).

303. "Old Men," i.e., "Senators."

304. "Horsemen," i.e., "Knights."

305. The later Spartan name was "Syssitia" or "Philitia" (sometimes "Phiditia").

306. Alcman Fr. 22 (Bergk)

010.004.019

λέγεσθαι δ' ὑπὸ τῶν Κρητῶν ὡς καὶ παρ' αὐτοὺς ἀφίκοιτο Λυκοῦργος κατὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν· ἀδελφὸς ἦν πρεσβύτερος τοῦ Λυκούργου Πολυδέκτης· οὗτος τελευτῶν ἔγκυον κατέλιπε τὴν γυναῖκα· τέως μὲν οὖν ἐβασίλευεν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, γενομένου δὲ παιδὸς ἐπετρόπευεν ἐκεῖνον, εἰς ὃν ἡ ἀρχὴ καθήκουσα ἐτύγχανε· λοιδορούμενος δή τις αὐτῷ σαφῶς εἶπεν εἰδέναι διότι βασιλεύσοι· λαβὼν δ' ὑπόνοιαν ἐκεῖνος ὡς ἐκ τοῦ λόγου τούτου διαβάλλοιτο ἐπιβουλὴ ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ παιδός, δείσας μὴ ἐκ τύχης ἀποθανόντος αἰτίαν αὐτὸς ἔχοι παρὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ἀπῆρεν εἰς Κρήτην. ταύτην μὲν δὴ λέγεσθαι τῆς ἀποδημίας αἰτίαν· ἐλθόντα δὲ πλησιάσαι Θάλητι μελοποιῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ νομοθετικῷ, ἱστορήσαντα δὲ παρ' αὐτοῦ τὸν τρόπον ὃν Ῥαδάμανθύς τε πρότερον καὶ ὕστερον Μίνως, ὡς παρὰ τοῦ Διός, τοὺς νόμους ἐκφέροι εἰς ἀνθρώπους, γενόμενον δὲ καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ καταμαθόντα καὶ τὰ ἐκεῖ νόμιμα, ἐντυχόντα δ', ὥς φασί τινες, καὶ Ὁμήρῳ διατρίβοντι ἐν Χίῳ, κατᾶραι πάλιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, καταλαβεῖν δὲ τὸν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸν τὸν Πολυδέκτου Χαρίλαον βασιλεύοντα· εἶθ' ὁρμῆσαι διαθεῖναι τοὺς νόμους φοιτῶντα ὡς τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς, κἀκεῖθεν κομίζοντα τὰ προστάγματα, καθάπερ οἱ περὶ Μίνω ἐκ τοῦ ἄντρου τοῦ Διὸς παραπλήσια ἐκείνοις τὰ πλείω.

It is said by the Cretans, Ephorus continues, that Lycurgus came to them for the following reason: Polydectes was the elder brother of Lycurgus; when he died he left his wife pregnant; now for a time Lycurgus reigned in his brother's place, but when a child was born he became the child's guardian, since the office of king descended to the child, but some man, railing at Lycurgus, said that he knew for sure that Lycurgus would be king; and Lycurgus, suspecting that in consequence of such talk he himself might be falsely accused of plotting against the child, and fearing that, if by any chance the child should die, he himself might be blamed for it by his enemies, sailed away to Crete; this, then, is said to be the cause of his sojourn in Crete; and when he arrived he associated with Thales, a melic poet and an expert in lawgiving; and after learning from him the manner in which both Rhadamanthys in earlier times and Minos in later times published their laws to men as from Zeus, and after sojourning in Egypt also and learning among other things their institutions, and, according to some writers, after meeting Homer, who was living in Chios, he sailed back to his homeland, and found his brother's son, Charilaüs the son of Polydectes, reigning as king; and then he set out to frame the laws, making visits to the god at Delphi, and bringing thence the god's decrees, just as Minos and his house had brought their ordinances from the cave of Zeus, most of his being similar to theirs.

010.004.020

τῶν Κρητικῶν τὰ κυριώτατα τῶν καθ' ἕκαστα τοιαῦτα εἴρηκε. γαμεῖν μὲν ἅμα πάντες ἀναγκάζονται παρ' αὐτοῖς οἱ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐκ τῆς τῶν παίδων ἀγέλης ἐκκριθέντες, οὐκ εὐθὺς δ' ἄγονται παρ' ἑαυτοὺς τὰς γαμηθείσας παῖδας, ἀλλ' ἐπὰν ἤδη διοικεῖν ἱκαναὶ ὦσι τὰ περὶ τοὺς οἴκους· φερνὴ δ' ἐστίν, ἂν ἀδελφοὶ ὦσι, τὸ ἥμισυ τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μερίδος· παῖδας δὲ γράμματά τε μανθάνειν καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν νόμων ᾠδὰς καί τινα εἴδη τῆς μουσικῆς. τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἔτι νεωτέρους εἰς τὰ συσσίτια ἄγουσι τὰ ἀνδρεῖα· χαμαὶ δὲ καθήμενοι διαιτῶνται μετ' ἀλλήλων ἐν φαύλοις τριβωνίοις καὶ χειμῶνος καὶ θέρους τὰ αὐτά, διακονοῦσί τε καὶ ἑαυτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσι· συμβάλλουσι δ' εἰς μάχην καὶ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ συσσιτίου πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ πρὸς ἕτερα συσσίτια· καθ' ἕκαστον δὲ ἀνδρεῖον ἐφέστηκε παιδονόμος· οἱ δὲ μείζους εἰς τὰς ἀγέλας ἄγονται· τὰς δ' ἀγέλας συνάγουσιν οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι τῶν παίδων καὶ δυνατώτατοι ἕκαστος ὅσους πλείστους οἷός τέ ἐστιν ἀθροίζων· ἑκάστης δὲ τῆς ἀγέλης ἄρχων ἐστὶν ὡς τὸ πολὺ ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ συναγαγόντος, κύριος ὢν ἐξάγειν ἐπὶ θήραν καὶ δρόμους, τὸν δ' ἀπειθοῦντα κολάζειν· τρέφονται δὲ δημοσίᾳ· τακταῖς δέ τισιν ἡμέραις ἀγέλη πρὸς ἀγέλην συμβάλλει μετὰ αὐλοῦ καὶ λύρας εἰς μάχην ἐν ῥυθμῷ, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς εἰώθασιν, ἐκφέρουσι δὲ καὶ τὰς πληγὰς τὰς μὲν διὰ χειρὸς τὰς δὲ καὶ δι' ὅπλων σιδηρῶν.

The following are the most important provisions in the Cretan institutions as stated by Ephorus. In Crete all those who are selected out of the "Troop" of boys at the same time are forced to marry at the same time, although they do not take the girls whom they have married to their own homes immediately, but as soon as the girls are qualified to manage the affairs of the house. A girl's dower, if she has brothers, is half of the brother's portion. The children must learn, not only their letters, but also the songs prescribed in the laws and certain forms of music. Now those who are still younger are taken to the public messes, the "Andreia"; and they sit together on the ground as they eat their food, clad in shabby garments, the same both winter and summer, and they also wait on the men as well as on themselves. And those who eat together at the same mess join battle both with one another and with those from different messes. A boy director presides over each mess. But the older boys are taken to the "Troops"; and the most conspicuous and influential of the boys assemble the "Troops," each collecting as many boys as he possibly can; the leader of each "Troop" is generally the father of the assembler, and he has authority to lead them forth to hunt and to run races, and to punish anyone who is disobedient; and they are fed at public expense; and on certain appointed days "Troop" contends with "Troop," marching rhythmically into battle, to the tune of flute and lyre, as is their custom in actual war; and they actually bear marks of {307} the blows received, some inflicted by the hand, others by iron {308} weapons.

307. Others translate ἐκφέρουσι in the sense of delivering blows.

308. Possibly an error for "wooden."

010.004.021

ἴδιον δ' αὐτοῖς τὸ περὶ τοὺς ἔρωτας νόμιμον· οὐ γὰρ πειθοῖ κατεργάζονται τοὺς ἐρωμένους ἀλλ' ἁρπαγῇ· προλέγει τοῖς φίλοις πρὸ τριῶν ἢ πλειόνων ἡμερῶν ὁ ἐραστὴς ὅτι μέλλει τὴν ἁρπαγὴν ποιεῖσθαι· τοῖς δ' ἀποκρύπτειν μὲν τὸν παῖδα ἢ μὴ ἐᾶν πορεύεσθαι τὴν τεταγμένην ὁδὸν τῶν αἰσχίστων ἐστίν, ὡς ἐξομολογουμένοις ὅτι ἀνάξιος ὁ παῖς εἴη τοιούτου ἐραστοῦ τυγχάνειν· συνιόντες δ', ἂν μὲν τῶν ἴσων ἢ τῶν ὑπερεχόντων τις ᾗ τοῦ παιδὸς τιμῇ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὁ ἁρπάζων, ἐπιδιώκοντες ἀνθήψαντο μόνον μετρίως τὸ νόμιμον ἐκπληροῦντες, τἆλλα δ' ἐπιτρέπουσιν ἄγειν χαίροντες· ἂν δ' ἀνάξιος, ἀφαιροῦνται· πέρας δὲ τῆς ἐπιδιώξεώς ἐστιν ἕως ἂν ἀχθῇ ὁ παῖς εἰς τὸ τοῦ ἁρπάσαντος ἀνδρεῖον. ἐράσμιον δὲ νομίζουσιν οὐ τὸν κάλλει διαφέροντα, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ κοσμιότητι . . . καὶ δωρησάμενος ἀπάγει τὸν παῖδα τῆς χώρας εἰς ὃν βούλεται τόπον· ἐπακολουθοῦσι δὲ τῇ ἁρπαγῇ οἱ παραγενόμενοι, ἑστιαθέντες δὲ καὶ συνθηρεύσαντες δίμηνον οὐ γὰρ ἔξεστι πλείω χρόνον κατέχειν τὸν παῖδα εἰς τὴν πόλιν καταβαίνουσιν. ἀφίεται δ' ὁ παῖς δῶρα λαβὼν στολὴν πολεμικὴν καὶ βοῦν καὶ ποτήριον. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ κατὰ τὸν νόμον δῶρα . . . καὶ ἄλλα πλείω καὶ πολυτελῆ, ὥστε συνερανίζειν τοὺς φίλους διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀναλωμάτων. τὸν μὲν οὖν βοῦν θύει τῷ Διὶ καὶ ἑστιᾷ τοὺς συγκαταβαίνοντας, εἶτ' ἀποφαίνεται περὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἐραστὴν ὁμιλίας εἴτ' ἀσμενίζων τετύχηκεν εἴτε μή, τοῦ νόμου τοῦτ' ἐπιτρέψαντος, ἵν' εἴ τις αὐτῷ βία προσενήνεκται κατὰ τὴν ἁρπαγήν, ἐνταῦθα παρῇ τιμωρεῖν ἑαυτῷ καὶ ἀπαλλάττεσθαι. τοῖς δὲ καλοῖς τὴν ἰδέαν καὶ προγόνων ἐπιφανῶν ἇἰσχρὸν ἐραστῶν μὴ τυχεῖν, ὡς διὰ τὸν τρόπον τοῦτο παθοῦσιν. ἔχουσι δὲ τιμὰς οἱ παρασταθέντες οὕτω γὰρ καλοῦσι τοὺς ἁρπαγέντας · ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς χοροῖς καὶ τοῖς δρόμοις ἔχουσι τὰς ἐντιμοτάτας χώρας, τῇ τε στολῇ κοσμεῖσθαι διαφερόντως τῶν ἄλλων ἐφίεται τῇ δοθείσῃ παρὰ τῶν ἐραστῶν, καὶ οὐ τότε μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τέλειοι γενόμενοι διάσημον ἐσθῆτα φέρουσιν, ἀφ' ἧς γνωσθήσεται ἕκαστος κλεινὸς γενόμενος· τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἐρώμενον καλοῦσι κλεινὸν τὸν δ' ἐραστὴν φιλήτορα.

They have a peculiar custom in regard to love affairs, for they win the objects of their love, not by persuasion, but by abduction; the lover tells the friends of the boy three or four days beforehand that he is going to make the abduction; but for the friends to conceal the boy, or not to let him go forth by the appointed road, is indeed a most disgraceful thing, a confession, as it were, that the boy is unworthy to obtain such a lover; and when they meet, if the abductor is the boy's equal or superior in rank or other respects, the friends pursue him and lay hold of him, though only in a very gentle way, thus satisfying the custom; and after that they cheerfully turn the boy over to him to lead away; if, however, the abductor is unworthy, they take the boy away from him. And the pursuit does not end until the boy is taken to the "Andreium" of his abductor. They regard as a worthy object of love, not the boy who is exceptionally handsome, but the boy who is exceptionally manly and decorous. After giving the boy presents, the abductor takes him away to any place in the country he wishes; and those who were present at the abduction follow after them, and after feasting and hunting with them for two months (for it is not permitted to detain the boy for a longer time), they return to the city. The boy is released after receiving as presents a military habit, an ox, and a drinking-cup (these are the gifts required by law), and other things so numerous and costly that the friends, on account of the number of the expenses, make contributions thereto. Now the boy sacrifices the ox to Zeus and feasts those who returned with him; and then he makes known the facts about his intimacy with his lover, whether, perchance, it has pleased him or not, the law allowing him this privilege in order that, if any force was applied to him at the time of the abduction, he might be able at this feast to avenge himself and be rid of the lover. It is disgraceful for those who are handsome in appearance or descendants of illustrious ancestors to fail to obtain lovers, the presumption being that their character is responsible for such a fate. But the parastathentes {309} (for thus they call those who have been abducted) receive honors; for in both the dances and the races they have the positions of highest honor, and are allowed to dress in better clothes than the rest, that is, in the habit given them by their lovers; and not then only, but even after they have grown to manhood, they wear a distinctive dress, which is intended to make known the fact that each wearer has become "kleinos," {310} for they call the loved one "kleinos" and the lover "philetor." {311} So much for their customs in regard to love affairs.

309. The literal meaning of the word seems to be "those who were chosen as stand-bys" by lovers.

310. Famous.

311. i.e., "lover" or "sweetheart."

010.004.022

ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἔρωτας νόμιμα. ἄρχοντας δὲ δέκα αἱροῦνται· περὶ δὲ τῶν μεγίστων συμβούλοις χρῶνται τοῖς γέρουσι καλουμένοις· καθίστανται δ' εἰς τοῦτο τὸ συνέδριον οἱ τῆς τῶν κόσμων ἀρχῆς ἠξιωμένοι καὶ τἆλλα δόκιμοι κρινόμενοι. ἀξίαν δ' ἀναγραφῆς τὴν τῶν Κρητῶν πολιτείαν ὑπέλαβον διά τε τὴν ἰδιότητα καὶ τὴν δόξαν· οὐ πολλὰ δὲ διαμένει τούτων τῶν νομίμων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων διατάγμασι τὰ πλεῖστα διοικεῖται, καθάπερ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπαρχίαις συμβαίνει.

The Cretans choose ten Archons. Concerning the matters of greatest importance they use as counsellors the "Gerontes," as they are called. Those who have been thought worthy to hold the office of the "Cosmi" and are otherwise adjudged men of approved worth are appointed members of this Council. I have assumed that the constitution of the Cretans is worthy of description both on account of its peculiar character and on account of its fame. Not many, however, of these institutions endure, but the administration of affairs is carried on mostly by means of the decrees of the Romans, as is also the case in the other provinces.

010.005.001

περὶ δὲ τὴν Κρήτην εἰσὶ νῆσοι, Θήρα μὲν ἡ τῶν Κυρηναίων μητρόπολις, ἄποικος Λακεδαιμονίων, καὶ πλησίον ταύτης Ἀνάφη, ἐν ᾖ τὸ τοῦ Αἰγλήτου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν. λέγει δὲ καὶ Καλλίμαχος τοτὲ μὲν οὕτως

Αἰγλήτην Ἀνάφην τε Λακωνίδι γείτονα Θήρῃ,

τοτὲ δὲ τῆς Θήρας μνησθείς

μήτηρ εὐίππου πατρίδος ἡμετέρης.

ἔστι δὲ μακρὰ ἡ Θήρα, διακοσίων οὖσα τὴν περίμετρον σταδίων, κειμένη δὲ κατὰ Δίαν νῆσον τὴν πρὸς Ἡρακλείῳ τῷ Κνωσσίῳ, διέχει δὲ τῆς Κρήτης εἰς ἑπτακοσίους· πλησίον δ' αὐτῆς ἥ τε Ἀνάφη καὶ Θηρασία. ταύτης δ' εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀπέχει νησίδιον Ἴος, ἐν ᾧ κεκηδεῦσθαί τινές φασι τὸν ποιητὴν Ὅμηρον· ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἴου πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἰόντι Σίκινος καὶ Λάγουσα καὶ Φολέγανδρος, ἣν Ἄρατος σιδηρείην ὀνομάζει διὰ τὴν τραχύτητα· ἐγγὺς δὲ τούτων Κίμωλος, ὅθεν ἡ γῆ ἡ Κιμωλία· ἔνθεν ἡ Σίφνος ἐν ὄψει ἐστίν, ἐφ' ᾖ λέγουσι Σίφνιον ἀστράγαλον διὰ τὴν εὐτέλειαν. ἔτι δ' ἐγγυτέρω καὶ τῆς Κιμώλου καὶ τῆς Κρήτης ἡ Μῆλος ἀξιολογωτέρα τούτων, διέχουσα τοῦ Ἑρμιονικοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου τοῦ Σκυλλαίου σταδίους ἑπτακοσίους· τοσούτους δὲ σχεδόν τι καὶ τοῦ Δικτυνναίου· Ἀθηναῖοι δέ ποτε πέμψαντες στρατείαν ἡβηδὸν κατέσφαξαν τοὺς πλείους. αὗται μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ Κρητικῷ πελάγει, ἐν δὲ τῷ Αἰγαίῳ μᾶλλον αὐτή τε ἡ Δῆλος καὶ αἱ περὶ αὐτὴν Κυκλάδες καὶ αἱ ταύταις προσκείμεναι Σποράδες, ὧν εἰσι καὶ αἱ λεχθεῖσαι περὶ τὴν Κρήτην.

The islands near Crete are Thera, the metropolis of the Cyrenaeans, a colony of the Lacedaemonians, and, near Thera, Anaphe, where is the temple of the Aegletan Apollo. Callimachus speaks in one place as follows,Aegletan Anaphe, neighbor to Laconian Thera, {312} and in another, mentioning only Thera,mother of my fatherland, famed for its horses. {313} Thera is a long island, being two hundred stadia in perimeter; it lies opposite Dia, {314} an island near the Cnossian Heracleium, {315} but it is seven hundred stadia distant from Crete. Near it are both Anaphe and Therasia. One hundred stadia distant from the latter is the little island Ios, where, according to some writers, the poet Homer was buried. From Ios towards the west one comes to Sicinos and Lagusa and Pholegandros, which last Aratus calls "Iron" Island, because of its ruggedness. Near these is Cimolos, whence comes the Cimolian earth. {316} From Cimolos Siphnos is visible, in reference to which island, because of its worthlessness, people say "Siphnian knuckle-bone." {317} And still nearer both to Cimolos and to Crete is Melos, which is more notable than these and is seven hundred stadia from the Hermionic promontory, the Scyllaeum, and almost the same distance from the Dictynnaeum. The Athenians once sent an expedition to Melos and slaughtered most of the inhabitants from youth upwards. {318} Now these islands are indeed in the Cretan Sea, but Delos itself and the Cyclades in its neighborhood and the Sporades which lie close to these, to which belong the aforesaid islands in the neighborhood of Crete, are rather in the Aegaean Sea.

312. Callinus Fr. 113 (Schneider)

313. Callinus Fr. 112 (Schneider)

314. i.e., almost due north of Dia.

315. Heracleium was the seaport of Cnossus (10. 4. 7).

316. A hydrous silicate of aluminium, now called "cimolite."

317. i.e., the phrase is a proverb applied to worthless people or things.

318. 416 B.C. (see Thuc. 5.115-116).

010.005.002

ἡ μὲν οὖν Δῆλος ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένην ἔχει τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ τὸ Λητῷον· ὑπέρκειται δὲ τῆς πόλεως ὄρος ψιλὸν ὁ Κύνθος καὶ τραχύ, ποταμὸς δὲ διαρρεῖ τὴν νῆσον Ἰνωπὸς οὐ μέγας· καὶ γὰρ ἡ νῆσος μικρά. τετίμηται δὲ ἐκ παλαιοῦ διὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἡρωικῶν χρόνων ἀρξαμένη· μυθεύεται γὰρ ἐνταῦθα ἡ Λητὼ τὰς ὠδῖνας ἀποθέσθαι τοῦ τε Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος.

ἦν γὰρ τοπάροιθε φορητά

φησὶν ὁ Πίνδαρος

κυμάτεσσιν παντοδαπῶν τ' ἀνέμων ῥιπαῖσιν· ἀλλ' ἁ Κοιογενὴς ὁπότ' ὠδίνεσσι θύοις' ἀγχιτόκοις ἐπέβα νιν, δὴ τότε τέσσαρες ὀρθαὶ πρέμνων ἀπώρουσαν χθονίων, ἂν δ' ἐπικράνοις σχέθον πέτραν ἀδαμαντοπέδιλοι κίονες· ἔνθα τεκοῖς' εὐδαίμον' ἐπόψατο γένναν.

ἔνδοξον δ' ἐποίησαν αὐτὴν αἱ περιοικίδες νῆσοι, καλούμεναι Κυκλάδες, κατὰ τιμὴν πέμπουσαι δημοσίᾳ θεωρούς τε καὶ θυσίας καὶ χοροὺς παρθένων πανηγύρεις τε ἐν αὐτῇ συνάγουσαι μεγάλας.

Now the city which belongs to Delos, as also the temple of Apollo, and the Letöum, {319} are situated in a plain; and above the city lies Cynthus, a bare and rugged mountain; and a river named Inopus flows through the island--not a large river, for the island itself is small. From olden times, beginning with the times of the heroes, Delos has been revered because of its gods, for the myth is told that there Leto was delivered of her travail by the birth of Apollo and Artemis:for aforetime,says Pindar,it {320} was tossed by the billows, by the blasts of all manner of winds, {321} but when the daughter of Coeüs {322} in the frenzied pangs of childbirth set foot upon it, then did four pillars, resting on adamant, rise perpendicular from the roots of the earth, and on their capitals sustain the rock. And there she gave birth to, and beheld, her blessed offspring. {323} The neighboring islands, called the Cyclades, made it famous, since in its honor they would send at public expense sacred envoys, sacrifices, and choruses composed of virgins, and would celebrate great general festivals there. {324}

319. Temple of Leto.

320. Delos.

321. There was a tradition that Delos was a floating isle until Leto set foot on it.

322. Leto.

323. Pind. Fr. 58 (Bergk)

324. i.e., in honor of Apollo and Leto (see Thuc. 3.104).

010.005.003

κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν δώδεκα λέγονται· προσεγένοντο δὲ καὶ πλείους. Ἀρτεμίδωρος γοῦν πεντεκαίδεκἆ διαριθμεῖται, περὶ τῆς Ἑλένης εἰπὼν ὅτι ἀπὸ Θορίκου μέχρι Σουνίου παράκειται μακρὰ σταδίων ὅσον ἑξήκοντα τὸ μῆκος, ἀπὸ ταύτης γάρ, φησίν, αἱ καλούμεναι Κυκλάδες εἰσίν· ὀνομάζει δὲ Κέω τὴν ἐγγυτάτω τῇ Ἑλένῃ, καὶ μετὰ ταύτην Κύθνον καὶ Σέριφον καὶ Μῆλον καὶ Σίφνον καὶ Κίμωλον καὶ Πρεπέσινθον καὶ Ὠλίαρον, καὶ πρὸς ταύταις Πάρον Νάξον Σῦρον Μύκονον Τῆνον Ἄνδρον Γύαρον. τὰς μὲν οὖν ἄλλας τῶν δώδεκα νομίζω, τὴν δὲ Πρεπέσινθον καὶ Ὠλίαρον καὶ Γύαρον ἧττον· ὧν τῇ Γυάρῳ προσορμισθεὶς ἔγνων κώμιον ὑπὸ ἁλιέων συνοικούμενον· ἀπαίροντες δ' ἐδεξάμεθα πρεσβευτὴν ἐνθένδε ὡς Καίσαρα προκεχειρισμένον τῶν ἁλιέων τινά ἦν δ' ἐν Κορίνθῳ Καῖσαρ βαδίζων ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον τὸν Ἀκτιακόν · συμπλέων δὴ ἔλεγε πρὸς τοὺς πυθομένους ὅτι πρεσβεύοι περὶ κουφισμοῦ τοῦ φόρου· τελοῖεν γὰρ δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα καὶ τὰς ἑκατὸν χαλεπῶς ἂν τελοῦντες. δηλοῖ δὲ τὰς ἀπορίας αὐτῶν καὶ Ἄρατος ἐν τοῖς κατὰ λεπτόν

ὦ Λητοῖ, σὺ μὲν ἤ με σιδηρείῃ Φολεγάνδρῳ δειλὴν ἢ Γυάρῳ παρελεύσεαι αὐτίχ' ὁμοίην.

Now at first the Cyclades are said to have been only twelve in number, but later several others were added. At any rate, Artemidorus enumerates fifteen, after saying of Helena that it stretches parallel to the coast from Thoricus to Sunium and is a long island, about sixty stadia in length; for it is from Helena, he says, that the Cyclades, as they are called, begin; and he names Ceos, the island nearest to Helena, and, after this island, Cythnos and Seriphos and Melos and Siphnos and Cimolos and Prepesinthos and Oliaros, and, in addition to these, Paros, Naxos, Syros, Myconos, Tenos, Andros, and Gyaros. Now I consider all of these among the twelve except Prepesinthos, Oliaros, and Gyaros. When our ship anchored at one of these, Gyaros, I saw a small village that was settled by fishermen; and when we sailed away we took on board one of the fishermen, who had been chosen to go from there to Caesar as ambassador (Caesar was at Corinth, on his way {325} to celebrate the Triumph alter the victory at Actium {326} ). While on the voyage he told enquirers that he had been sent as ambassador to request a reduction in their tribute; for, he said, they were paying one hundred and fifty drachmas when they could only with difficulty pay one hundred. Aratus also points out the poverty of the island in his CataleptonO Leto, shortly thou wilt pass by me, who am like either iron Pholegandros or worthless Gyaros. {327}

325. i.e., back to Rome.

326. 31 B.C.

327. Aratus Catalepton Fr.

010.005.004

τὴν μὲν οὖν Δῆλον ἔνδοξον γενομένην οὕτως ἔτι μᾶλλον ηὔξησε κατασκαφεῖσα ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων Κόρινθος· ἐκεῖσε γὰρ μετεχώρησαν οἱ ἔμποροι, καὶ τῆς ἀτελείας τοῦ ἱεροῦ προκαλουμένης αὐτοὺς καὶ τῆς εὐκαιρίας τοῦ λιμένος· ἐν καλῷ γὰρ κεῖται τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν πλέουσιν· ἥ τε πανήγυρις ἐμπορικόν τι πρᾶγμά ἐστι, καὶ συνήθεις ἦσαν αὐτῇ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν ἄλλων μάλιστα, καὶ ὅτε συνειστήκει ἡ Κόρινθος· Ἀθηναῖοί τε λαβόντες τὴν νῆσον καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἅμα καὶ τῶν ἐμπόρων ἐπεμελοῦντο ἱκανῶς· ἐπελθόντες δ' οἱ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου στρατηγοὶ καὶ ὁ ἀποστήσας τύραννος αὐτὴν διελυμήναντο πάντα, καὶ παρέλαβον ἐρήμην οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πάλιν τὴν νῆσον, ἀναχωρήσαντος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ διετέλεσε μέχρι νῦν ἐνδεῶς πράττουσα. ἔχουσι δ' αὐτὴν Ἀθηναῖοι.

Now although Delos had become so famous, yet the razing of Corinth to the ground by the Romans {328} increased its fame still more; for the importers changed their business to Delos because they were attracted both by the immunity which the temple enjoyed and by the convenient situation of the harbor; for it is happily situated for those who are sailing from Italy and Greece to Asia. The general festival is a kind of commercial affair, and it was frequented by Romans more than by any other people, even when Corinth was still in existence. {329} And when the Athenians took the island they at the same time took good care of the importers as well as of the religious rites. But when the generals of Mithridates, and the tyrant {330} who caused it to revolt, visited Delos, they completely ruined it, and when the Romans again got the island, alter the king withdrew to his homeland, it was desolate; and it has remained in an impoverished condition until the present time. It is now held by the Athenians.

328. 146 B.C.

329. As many as ten thousand slaves were sold there in one day (14. 5. 2).

330. Aristion, through the aid of Mithridates, made himself tyrant of Athens in 88 B.C. (cf. 9. 1. 20).

010.005.005

Ῥήναια δ' ἔρημον νησίδιόν ἐστιν ἐν τέτταρσι τῆς Δήλου σταδίοις, ὅπου τὰ μνήματα τοῖς Δηλίοις ἐστίν. οὐ γὰρ ἔξεστιν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Δήλῳ θάπτειν οὐδὲ καίειν νεκρόν. οὐκ ἔξεστι δὲ οὐδὲ κύνα ἐν Δήλῳ τρέφειν. ὠνομάζετο δὲ καὶ Ὀρτυγία πρότερον.

Rheneia is a desert isle within four stadia from Delos, and there the Delians bury their dead; {331} for it is unlawful to bury, or even burn, a corpse in Delos itself, and it is unlawful even to keep a dog there. In earlier times it was called Ortygia.

331. This began in 426 B.C., when "all the sepulchres of the dead in Delos were removed" to Rheneia (Thuc. 3104).

010.005.006

Κέως δὲ τετράπολις μὲν ὑπῆρξε, λείπονται δὲ δύο, ἥ τε Ἰουλὶς καὶ ἡ Καρθαία, εἰς ἃς συνεπολίσθησαν αἱ λοιπαί, ἡ μὲν Ποιήεσσα εἰς τὴν Καρθαίαν ἡ δὲ Κορησία εἰς τὴν Ἰουλίδα. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἰουλίδος ὅ τε Σιμωνίδης ἦν ὁ μελοποιὸς καὶ Βακχυλίδης ἀδελφιδοῦς ἐκείνου, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα Ἐρασίστρατος ὁ ἰατρὸς καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ περιπάτου φιλοσόφων Ἀρίστων ὁ τοῦ Βορυσθενίτου Βίωνος ζηλωτής. παρὰ τούτοις δὲ δοκεῖ τεθῆναί ποτε νόμος, οὗ μέμνηται καὶ Μένανδρος

καλὸν τὸ Κείων νόμιμόν ἐστι, Φανία· ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος ζῆν καλῶς οὐ ζῇ κακῶς.

προσέταττε γάρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὁ νόμος τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότας κωνειάζεσθαι καὶ τοῦ διαρκεῖν τοῖς ἄλλοις τὴν τροφήν· καὶ πολιορκουμένους δέ ποτε ὑπ' Ἀθηναίων ψηφίσασθαί φασι τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, ὁρισθέντος πλήθους ἐτῶν, τοὺς δὲ παύσασθαι πολιορκοῦντας. κεῖται δ' ἐν ὄρει τῆς θαλάττης διέχουσα ἡ πόλις ὅσον πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι σταδίους, ἐπίνειον δ' ἐστὶν αὐτῆς τὸ χωρίον ἐν ᾧ ἵδρυτο ἡ Κορησία κατοικίαν οὐδὲ κώμης ἔχουσα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ Κορησίᾳ Σμινθαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερὸν καὶ πρὸς Ποιηέσσῃ, μεταξὺ δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν τῆς Ποιηέσσης ἐρειπίων τὸ τῆς Νεδουσίας Ἀθηνᾶς ἱερόν, ἱδρυσαμένου Νέστορος κατὰ τὴν ἐκ Τροίας ἐπάνοδον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἔλιξος ποταμὸς περὶ τὴν Κορησίαν.

Ceos was at first a Tetrapolis, but only two cities are left, Iulis and Carthaea, into which the remaining two were incorporated, Poeëessa into Carthaea and Coressia into Iulis. Both Simonides the melic poet and his nephew Bacchylides were natives of Iulis, and also after their time Erasistratus the physician, and Ariston the peripatetic philosopher and emulator of Bion the Borysthenite. It is reputed that there was once a law among these people (it is mentioned by Menander,Phanias, the law of the Ceians is good, that he who is unable to live well should not live wretchedly), which appears to have ordered those who were over sixty years of age to drink hemlock, in order that the food might be sufficient for the rest. And it is said that once, when they were being besieged by the Athenians, they voted, setting a definite age, that the oldest among them should be put to death, but the Athenians raised the siege. The city lies on a mountain, about twenty-five stadia distant from the sea; and its seaport is the place on which Coressia was situated, which has not as great a population as even a village. Near Coressia, and also near Poeëessa, is a temple of Sminthian Apollo; and between the temple and the ruins of Poeëessa is the temple of Nedusian Athena, founded by Nestor when he was on his return from Troy. There is also a River Elixus in the neighborhood of Coressia.

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μετὰ δὲ ταύτην Νάξος καὶ Ἄνδρος ἀξιόλογοι καὶ Πάρος· ἐντεῦθεν ἦν Ἀρχίλοχος ὁ ποιητής. ὑπὸ δὲ Παρίων ἐκτίσθη Θάσος καὶ Πάριον ἐν τῇ Προποντίδι πόλις. ἐν ταύτῃ μὲν οὖν ὁ βωμὸς λέγεται θέας ἄξιος, σταδιαίας ἔχων τὰς πλευράς· ἐν δὲ τῇ Πάρῳ ἡ Παρία λίθος λεγομένη ἀρίστη πρὸς τὴν μαρμαρογλυφίαν.

After Ceos one comes to Naxos and Andros, notable islands, and to Paros. Archilochus the poet was a native of Paros. Thasos was founded by the Parians, as also Parium, a city on the Propontis. Now the altar in this city is said to be a spectacle worth seeing, its sides being a stadium in length; and so is the Parian stone, as it is called, in Paros, the best for sculpture in marble.

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Σῦρος δ' ἐστὶ μηκύνουσι τὴν πρώτην συλλαβήν, ἐξ ἧς Φερεκύδης ὁ Βάβυος ἦν· νεώτερος δ' ἐστὶν ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ἐκείνου. ταύτης δοκεῖ μνημονεύειν ὁ ποιητὴς Συρίην καλῶν

νῆσός τις Συρίη κικλήσκεται Ὀρτυγίης καθύπερθε.

And there is Syros (the first syllable is pronounced long), where Pherecydes {332} the son of Babys was born. The Athenian Pherecydes is later than he. {333} The poet seems to mention this island, though he calls it Syria:There is an island called Syria, above Ortygia. {334}

332. Fl. about 560 B.C.

333. Pherecydes of Leros (fl. in the first half of the fifth century B.C.), often called "the Athenian," wrote, among other things, a work in ten books on the mythology and antiquities of Attica.

334. Hom. Od. 15.403

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Μύκονος δ' ἐστὶν ὑφ' ᾖ μυθεύουσι κεῖσθαι τῶν γιγάντων τοὺς ὑστάτους ὑφ' Ἡρακλέους καταλυθέντας, ἀφ' ὧν ἡ παροιμία “πάνθ' ὑπὸ μίαν Μύκονον” ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπὸ μίαν ἐπιγραφὴν ἀγόντων καὶ τὰ διηρτημένα τῇ φύσει. καὶ τοὺς φαλακροὺς δέ τινες Μυκονίους καλοῦσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ τὸ πάθος τοῦτο ἐπιχωριάζειν τῇ νήσῳ.

And there is Myconos, beneath which, according to the myth, lie the last of the giants that were destroyed by Heracles. Whence the proverb, "all beneath Myconos alone," applied to those who bring under one title even those things which are by nature separate. And further, some call bald men Myconians, from the fact that baldness is prevalent in the island.

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Σέριφος δ' ἐστὶν ἐν ᾖ τὰ περὶ τὸν Δίκτυν μεμύθευται τὸν ἀνελκύσαντα τὴν λάρνακα τοῖς δικτύοις τὴν περιέχουσαν τὸν Περσέα καὶ τὴν μητέρα Δανάην, καταπεποντωμένους ὑπ' Ἀκρισίου τοῦ πατρὸς τῆς Δανάης· τραφῆναί τε γὰρ ἐνταῦθα τὸν Περσέα φασί, καὶ κομίσαντα τὴν τῆς Γοργόνος κεφαλήν, δείξαντα τοῖς Σεριφίοις ἀπολιθῶσαι πάντας· τοῦτο δὲ πρᾶξαι τιμωροῦντα τῇ μητρί, ὅτι αὐτὴν Πολυδέκτης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἄκουσαν ἄγεσθαι προείλετο πρὸς γάμον συμπραττόντων ἐκείνων. οὕτω δ' ἐστὶ πετρώδης ἡ νῆσος ὥστε ὑπὸ τῆς Γοργόνος τοῦτο παθεῖν αὐτήν φασιν οἱ κωμῳδοῦντες.

And there is Seriphos, the scene of the mythical story of Dictys, who with his net drew to land the chest in which were enclosed Perseus and his mother Danae, who had been sunk in the sea by Acrisius the father of Danae; for Perseus was reared there, it is said, and when he brought the Gorgon's head there, he showed it to the Seriphians and turned them all into stone. This he did to avenge his mother, because Polydectes the king, with their cooperation, intended to marry his mother against her will. The island is so rocky that the comedians say that it was made thus by the Gorgon.

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Τῆνος δὲ πόλιν μὲν οὐ μεγάλην ἔχει, τὸ δ' ἱερὸν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος μέγα ἐν ἄλσει τῆς πόλεως ἔξω θέας ἄξιον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ ἑστιατόρια πεποίηται μεγάλα, σημεῖον τοῦ συνέρχεσθαι πλῆθος ἱκανὸν τῶν συνθυόντων αὐτοῖς ἀστυγειτόνων τὰ Ποσειδώνια.

Tenos has no large city, but it has the temple of Poseidon, a great temple in a sacred precinct outside the city, a spectacle worth seeing. In it have been built great banquet halls--an indication of the multitude of neighbors who congregate there and take part with the inhabitants of Tenos in celebrating the Poseidonian festival.

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ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ἀμοργὸς τῶν Σποράδων, ὅθεν ἦν Σιμωνίδης ὁ τῶν ἰάμβων ποιητής, καὶ Λέβινθος καὶ Λέρος . . .

καὶ τόδε Φωκυλίδου· Λέριοι κακοί, οὐχ ὁ μὲν ὃς δ' οὔ, πάντες, πλὴν Προκλέους, καὶ Προκλέης Λέριος.

διεβέβληντο γὰρ ὡς κακοήθεις οἱ ἐνθένδε ἄνθρωποι.

And there is Amorgos, one of the Sporades, the home of Simonides the iambic poet; and also Lebinthos, and Leros:And so says Phocylides: 'the Lerians are bad, not one, but every one, all except Procles; and Procles is a Lerian.' {335} For the natives of the island were reproached with being unprincipled.

335. Phocylides Fr. 1 (Bergk)

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πλησίον δ' ἐστὶ καὶ ἡ Πάτμος καὶ Κορασσίαι πρὸς δύσιν κείμεναι τῇ Ἰκαρίᾳ, αὕτη δὲ Σάμῳ. ἡ μὲν οὖν Ἰκαρία ἔρημός ἐστι, νομὰς δ' ἔχει καὶ χρῶνται αὐταῖς Σάμιοι· τοιαύτη δ' οὖσα ἔνδοξος ὅμως ἐστί, καὶ ἀπ' αὐτῆς Ἰκάριον καλεῖται τὸ προκείμενον πέλαγος, ἐν ᾧ καὶ αὐτὴ καὶ Σάμος καὶ Κῶς ἐστι καὶ αἱ ἄρτι λεχθεῖσαι Κορασσίαι καὶ Πάτμος καὶ Λέρος. συνάπτει δὲ τῷ Ἰκαρίῳ τὸ Καρπάθιον πέλαγος πρὸς νότον, τούτῳ δὲ τὸ Αἰγύπτιον, πρὸς δὲ δύσιν τό τε Κρητικὸν καὶ τὸ Λιβυκόν.

Nearby are both Patmos and the Corassiae; these are situated to the west of Icaria, and Icaria to the west of Samos. Now Icaria is deserted, though it has pastures, which are used by the Samians. But although it is such an isle as it is, still it is famous, and after it is named the sea that lies in front of it, in which are itself and Samos and Cos and the islands just mentioned--the Corassiae and Patmos and Leros. Famous, also, is the mountain in it, Cerceteus, more famous than the Ampelus, {336} which is situated above the city of Samians. {337} The Icarian Sea connects with the Carpathian Sea on the south, and the Carpathian with the Aegyptian, and on the west with the Cretan and the Libyan.

336. See 14. 1. 15.

337. But both of these mountains are in Samos (Pliny, in 5. 37, spells the former "Cercetius"). Hence the sentence seems to be a gloss that has crept in from the margin of the text.

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καὶ ἐν τῷ Καρπαθίῳ δ' εἰσὶ πολλαὶ τῶν Σποράδων μεταξὺ τῆς Κῶ μάλιστα καὶ Ῥόδου καὶ Κρήτης· ὧν εἰσιν Ἀστυπάλαιά τε καὶ Τῆλος καὶ Χαλκία καὶ ἃς Ὅμηρος ὀνομάζει ἐν τῷ καταλόγῳ

οἳ δ' ἄρα Νίσυρόν τ' εἶχον Κράπαθόν τε Κάσον τε, καὶ Κῶν, Εὐρυπύλοιο πόλιν, νήσους τε Καλύδνας.

ἔξω γὰρ τῆς Κῶ καὶ τῆς Ῥόδου, περὶ ὧν ἐροῦμεν ὕστερον, τάς τε ἄλλας ἐν ταῖς Σποράσι τίθεμεν καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐνταῦθα μεμνήμεθα αὐτῶν, καίπερ τῆς Ἀσίας οὐ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐγγὺς οὐσῶν, ἐπειδὴ τῇ Κρήτῃ καὶ ταῖς Κυκλάσι καὶ τὰς Σποράδας συμπεριλαβεῖν ἠπείγετό πως ὁ λόγος· ἐν δὲ τῇ τῆς Ἀσίας περιοδείᾳ τὰς προσεχεῖς αὐτῇ τῶν ἀξιολόγων νήσων προσπεριοδεύσομεν, Κύπρον καὶ Ῥόδον καὶ Κῶν καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ἐφεξῆς παραλίᾳ κειμένας, Σάμον Χίον Λέσβον Τένεδον· νῦν δὲ τὰς Σποράδας ὧν ἄξιον μνησθῆναι λοιπὸν ἔπιμεν.

In the Carpathian Sea, also, are many of the Sporades, and in particular between Cos and Rhodes and Crete. Among these are Astypalaea, Telos, Chalcia, and those which Homer names in the Catalogue:And those who held the islands Nisyros and Crapathos and Casos and Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and the Calydnian Islands; {338} {339} for, excepting Cos and Rhodes, which I shall discuss later, {340} I place them all among the Sporades, and in fact, even though they are near Asia and not Europe, I make mention of them here because my argument has somehow impelled me to include the Sporades with Crete and the Cyclades. But in my geographical description of Asia I shall add a description of such islands that lie close to it as are worthy of note, Cyprus, Rhodes, Cos, and those that lie on the seaboard next thereafter, Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. But now I shall traverse the remainder of the Sporades that are worth mentioning.

338. Hom. Il. 2.676

339. Cf. the interpretation of this passage in 10. 5. 19.

340. 14. 2. 5-13, 19.

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ἡ μὲν οὖν Ἀστυπάλαια ἱκανῶς ἐστι πελαγία, πόλιν ἔχουσα. ἡ δὲ Τῆλος ἐκτέταται παρὰ τὴν Κνιδίαν μακρὰ ὑψηλὴ στενή, τὴν περίμετρον ὅσον ἑκατὸν καὶ τετταράκοντα σταδίων, ἔχουσα ὕφορμον. ἡ δὲ Χαλκία τῆς Τήλου διέχει σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα, Καρπάθου δὲ τετρακοσίους, Ἀστυπαλαίας δὲ περὶ διπλασίους· ἔχει δὲ καὶ κατοικίαν ὁμώνυμον καὶ ἱερὸν Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ λιμένα.

Now Astypalaea lies far out in the high sea and has a city. Telos extends alongside Cnidia, is long, high, narrow, has a perimeter of about one hundred and forty stadia, and has an anchoring-place. Chalcia is eighty stadia distant from Telos, four hundred from Carpathos, about twice as far from Astypalaea, and has also a settlement of the same name and a temple of Apollo and a harbor.

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Νίσυρος δὲ πρὸς ἄρκτον μέν ἐστι Τήλου διέχουσα αὐτῆς ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίους ὅσους καὶ Κῶ διέχει, στρογγύλη δὲ καὶ ὑψηλὴ καὶ πετρώδης τοῦ μυλίου λίθου· τοῖς γοῦν ἀστυγείτοσιν ἐκεῖθέν ἐστιν ἡ τῶν μύλων εὐπορία. ἔχει δὲ καὶ πόλιν ὁμώνυμον καὶ λιμένα καὶ θερμὰ καὶ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερόν· περίμετρον δὲ αὐτῆς ὀγδοήκοντα στάδιοι. ἔστι δὲ καὶ νησία πρὸς αὐτῇ Νισυρίων λεγόμενα. φασὶ δὲ τὴν Νίσυρον ἀπόθραυσμα εἶναι τῆς Κῶ, προσθέντες καὶ μῦθον, ὅτι Ποσειδῶν διώκων ἕνα τῶν γιγάντων Πολυβώτην ἀποθραύσας τῇ τριαίνῃ τρύφος τῆς Κῶ ἐπ' αὐτὸν βάλοι, καὶ γένοιτο νῆσος τὸ βληθὲν ἡ Νίσυρος ὑποκείμενον ἔχουσα ἐν αὐτῇ τὸν γίγαντα· τινὲς δὲ αὐτὸν ὑποκεῖσθαι τῇ Κῷ φασιν.

Nisyros lies to the north of Telos, and is about sixty stadia distant both from it and from Cos. It is round and high and rocky, the rock being that of which millstones are made; at any rate, the neighboring peoples are well supplied with millstones from there. It has also a city of the same name and a harbor and hot springs and a temple of Poseidon. Its perimeter is eighty stadia. Close to it are also isles called Isles of the Nisyrians. They say that Nisyros is a fragment of Cos, and they add the myth that Poseidon, when he was pursuing one of the giants, Polybotes, broke off a fragment of Cos with his trident and hurled it upon him, and the missile became an island, Nisyros, with the giant lying beneath it. But some say that he lies beneath Cos.

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ἡ δὲ Κάρπαθος, ἣν Κράπαθον εἶπεν ὁ ποιητής, ὑψηλή ἐστι, κύκλον ἔχουσα σταδίων διακοσίων. τετράπολις δ' ὑπῆρξε καὶ ὄνομα εἶχεν ἀξιόλογον, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ τῷ πελάγει τοὔνομα ἐγένετο. μία δὲ τῶν πόλεων ἐκαλεῖτο Νίσυρος ὁμώνυμος τῇ τῶν Νισυρίων νήσῳ. κεῖται δὲ τῆς Λιβύης κατὰ Λευκὴν ἀκτήν, ἣ τῆς μὲν Ἀλεξανδρείας περὶ χιλίους διέχει σταδίους, τῆς δὲ Καρπάθου περὶ τετρακισχιλίους.

Carpathos, which the poet calls Crapathos, is high, and has a circuit of two hundred stadia. At first it was a Tetrapolis, and it had a renown which is worth noting; and it was from this fact that the sea got the name Carpathian. One of the cities was called Nisyros, the same name as that of the island of the Nisyrians. It lies opposite Leuce Acte in Libya, which is about one thousand stadia distant from Alexandreia and about four thousand from Carpathos.

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Κάσος δὲ ταύτης μὲν ἀπὸ ἑβδομήκοντά ἐστι σταδίων, τοῦ δὲ Σαμωνίου τοῦ ἄκρου τῆς Κρήτης διακοσίων πεντήκοντα· κύκλον δὲ ἔχει σταδίων ὀγδοήκοντα. ἔστι δ' ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πόλις ὁμώνυμος, καὶ Κασίων νῆσοι καλούμεναι πλείους περὶ αὐτήν.

Casos is seventy stadia from Carpathos, and two hundred and fifty from Cape Samonium in Crete. It has a circuit of eighty stadia. In it there is also a city of the same name, and round it are several islands called Islands of the Casians.

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Νήσους δὲ Καλύδνας τὰς Σποράδας λέγειν φασὶ τὸν ποιητήν, ὧν μίαν εἶναι Κάλυμναν· εἰκὸς δ' ὡς ἐκ τῶν Νισυρίων λέγονται καὶ Κασίων αἱ ἐγγὺς καὶ ὑπήκοοι, οὕτως καὶ τὰς τῇ Καλύμνῃ περικειμένας ἴσως τότε λεγομένῃ Καλύδνῃ· τινὲς δὲ δύο εἶναι Καλύδνας φασὶ Λέρον καὶ Κάλυμναν, ἅσπερ καὶ λέγειν τὸν ποιητήν. ὁ δὲ Σκήψιος πληθυντικῶς ὠνομάσθαι τὴν νῆσον Καλύμνας φησίν, ὡς Ἀθήνας καὶ Θήβας, δεῖν δὲ ὑπερβατῶς δέξασθαι τὸ τοῦ ποιητοῦ· οὐ γὰρ νήσους Καλύδνας λέγειν, ἀλλ' οἳ δ' ἄρα νήσους Νίσυρόν τ' εἶχον Κράπαθόν τε Κάσον τε καὶ Κῶν, Εὐρυπύλοιο πόλιν, Καλύδνας τε. ἅπαν μὲν οὖν τὸ νησιωτικὸν μέλι ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ ἀστεῖόν ἐστι καὶ ἐνάμιλλον τῷ Ἀττικῷ, τὸ δ' ἐν ταῖσδε ταῖς νήσοις διαφερόντως, μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Καλύμν

They say that the poet calls the Sporades "Calydnian Islands," one of which, they say, is Calymna. But it is reasonable to suppose that, as the islands which are near, and subject to, Nisyros and Casos are called "Islands of the Nisyrians" and "Islands of the Casians," so also those which lie round Calymna were called "Islands of the Calymnians"--Calymna at that time, perhaps, being called Calydna. But some say that there are only two Calydnian islands, Leros and Calymna, the two mentioned by the poet. The Scepsian {341} says that the name of the island was used in the plural, "Calymnae," like "Athenae" and "Thebae"; but, he adds, the words of the poet should be interpreted as a case of hyperbaton, for he does not say, "Calydnian Islands," but those who held the islands Nisyros and Crapathos and Casos and Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and Calydnae. {342} Now all the honey produced in the islands is, for the most part, good, and rivals that of Attica, but the honey produced in the islands in question is exceptionally good, and in particular the Calymnian.

341. Demetrius of Scepsis.

342. Hom. Il. 2.676